Clifford Geertz - Agricultural Involution. The Process Of Ecological Change In Indonesia (1963, University Of Californi.pdf kw34

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THE CLASSICAL PERIOD ish

41

rather than enrich the land around them, while

Celebes (except for

its

Halmahera) have no

for western

Borneo,

northern tip), and the Moluccas (except active volcanoes.

These climatological, topographical, and geological conditions do not necessarily preclude wet-rice agriculture from these regions, even with only traditional techniques. ecological requirements can be

and through a wide volcanoes,

Luzon

is

Malaya

is

met

narrowly specialized

Its

in a great diversity of settings

variety of

means: the Tonkin Delta has no

wet

Sumatra or Borneo, and northern

as

as

mountainous. But there

no doubt

is

complex of adverse conditions for sawah

to

that in

imposing a

overcome, these geo-

graphical realities have played a great part in discouraging

establishment in the Outer Islands in favor of the

its

more broadly

applicable swidden; nor that the natural advantages of Java's

volcano-rimmed river ages strongly encouraged

small,

its

implantation there.

The been

set

up

in a

number

seem

to

have

of such ages in the central

and

integral wet-rice regimes

first really effective

eastern parts of the island. Perhaps the earliest of

them appeared

and around the majestic volcanic quadrangle formed by

in

Mounts Sumbing, Sindoro, Merbabu, and Merapi middle neck of the island; that

Progo

river in

(Dengkeng)

what

is

is,

river southwest of Surakarta, the Seraju valley

Kebumen and Purwaredja (Kedu) —a later, evidently,

above

Bagawanta piedmonts region which after

the eighth century blossomed into the so-called

Somewhat

narrowed

today the Magelang area, the upper Solo

present-day Banjumas, and the Lukolo and

around

in the

along the southward-running

Mataram empire.

developed sawah appeared along the

upper and middle Brantas river around Malang and Kediri, and, less extensively, in

Lumadjang

the

Ponorogo area south of Madiun and the

area east of

Malang

did south Bali with which the tenth century. (See

*

The

best,

and

Map

it

—a

region which flourished, as

had important connections,

3.)^

Further archeological work

after

may

virtually the only, systematic attempt to relate the ad-

mittedly nonagricultural, archeological remains of the

Hindu period

to

THE CLASSICAL PERIOD

42

render parts of this picture inaccurate in detail; but the general pattern

The

is clear.

earliest manifestations of

developed wet-rice

agriculture almost certainly occurred either in the enclosed inner

somewhat

reaches of the

larger northward-flowing rivers or in

the upper basins of the generally shorter southward ones.

The expansion

sawah

of

cultivation

and

in fact

collec-

Kedjawen, or "Java Proper") in precolonial

tively referred to as

times,

beyond the boundaries of

(which are sometimes

these especially favorable regions

up

to the

middle of the past century, was

gradual, tentative, fluctuating, and only partial. Essentially, such extension could take place in three directions

(see

Map

4)

south coast

northward toward the

:

is

deltaic Java Sea coast (the

about 80 percent calcareous), westward toward the

Sunda highlands, and eastward toward so-called "East

Hook"

the drier regions of the

(Pasuruan, Probolinggo, Besuki, and Ban-

juwangi). Each of these areas posed different technical problems in irrigation, all of

In the

"coastline"), the control, that

is,

them

difficult to solve

which the Javanese

littoral,

with traditional methods.

call

the pasisir

("strand,"

problem was mainly one of perfecting water

improving flood protection and drainage, because

of the great size of the river discharges (several times those of

comparable temperate latitude rivers) and their extraordinary month-to-month, sometimes even day-to-day, the Javanese landscape in order to is

variability.^ Fertil-

draw some socioeconomic conclusions

Some

Schrieke, 1957, pp. 102-104, 288-301.

interesting speculations about

Javanese agricultural history, based on distributional evidence can be found in Terra, 1958.

For

a general

review of Indonesian post-neolithic archeol-

ogy, see Bernet Kempers, 1959. ^

The Tjimanuk

at

Indramaju has

a

normal highest discharge

rate of

25,000 cubic feet per second, a normal low of 600, with occasional floods of 34,000; the Pemali at Brebes runs between 25,000

34,000; the Solo ranges between 70,000

On of

the general problem of the its

Dobby,

implications for

enormous

irrigation,

1954, pp. 47-60, 225.

see

and

and

250, with crests at

810, with 90,000 floods (!).

river fluctuations in Java in

van der Meulen,

1949-50.

Also,

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:

THE CLASSICAL PERIOD ity,

and Brantas

deltas,

was high, because of heavy

and other sediment, and water was

deposits of volcanic

but the great susceptibility to

plentiful;

near sea-level

relief

well into the colonial.

As Mohr

sawah during the

also

less felicitous

was pressed

all

lower

too

swamping because river spates made

fertility

of it

period and

classical

The Sunda highlands had

and good drainage, but leaching and

alluvial

and the uncontrollable

a treacherous landscape for

east

between Tjirebon and Djapara and

particularly in the plain

in the Solo

43

sufficient

water

because of increased

And

topographical arrangements.

the

for water.

has noted, there are three independent aspects or

functions of irrigation which are often insufficiently distinguished the provision of moisture to otherwise arid soils

—the "watering"

function; the regulation of a quantitatively sufficient but uncertain

and

refractory water supply so as to avoid flooding

—the "control"

function; and the enrichment of the field through the transportation of nutrients to is critical

it

—the "fertilization" function.^ Which aspect

depends upon which factor in the environment

is

Umit-

ing with respect to the regime concerned.^ Thus, where the availability of first

water

aspect

irregular

is

is

problematic.

Where

rainfall or river

and unpredictable and drainage

is difficult,

north coast, the second aspect looms as central.

food

is

Hook,

the

volume

are

the limiting element, as in the East

in short supply, as in

In spreading out from

its

as along the

And where

Sunda, the third aspect

is

plant

cardinal.^

enclosed-plain nurseries in the

Ked-

jawen, wet-rice agriculture had not just a single, uniform problem to solve, but,

ones.

That

•Mohr,

'On

it

even in the broadest , three technically diverse proceeded slowly

is

understandable.

1946.

the concept of the limiting factor, "the factor that

growth and spread of [an organic system],"

'Mohr,

1946.

first

see Clarke, 1954, p. 20.

stops the


44

Westward, in Sunda, ports of

it

never got particularly

sawah penetration

1750 from the

Sumedang and Tasikmalaya

river valleys near the eastern

The

far.

come

into the highlands

first re-

as late as

areas, small

piedmont

edge of the highlands, and a

half-

century later from the somewhat larger and higher plateau basins of

Bandung and Bogor

sawah

cultivation

is

But even today intensive

to the west.^

limited to these areas plus a few other favored

pockets (Tjiandjur, Sukabumi, the Garut plateau, and others).

Eastward, in the Hook, penetration began

But

as river

upon what

earlier,

around

1200.

water was in short supply the sawahs were dependent be trapped within their dikes and so

rainfall could

mained limited

in extent, reliability,

re-

and productivity

until Dutch modern reservoirs Even then, though its

plantation interests led to the construction of

around the beginning of

this century.^^

productivity has improved, the scope of wet-rice cultivation has

not

grown

especially great, occupying, as in

Sunda, around 15 per-

cent of the total land area, as against about 25 percent in the

Kedjawen and 35 percent along

The

the Pasisir.^^

situation in the Pasisir, the north coast,

but the result

is

about the same.

probability, been carried

Some

on there

is

more complicated

wet-rice farming has, in

all

at various points, particularly

around the hundreds of minute

estuaries

which perforate the

otherwise unvaried shore, since the earliest days.

Some

authorities

•Terra, 1958.

" Terra, "These 1926,

I,

1958,

and van der Meulen, 1949-50.

from Landbouwatlas van Java en Madoera, Sunda being considered to consist of Banten, Bogor,

figures calculated

pp. l*-55*,

and Priangan;

Pasisir

of

Djakarta,

Tjirebon,

Pekalongan,

Semarang,

Djapara-Renabang, Bodjonegoro, and Surabaja; Kedjawen of Banjumas,

Kedu,

Jogia, Solo,

Madiun, and Kediri; and the East Hook of Malang

and Besuki. These are 1920 has probably radically

grown

changed.

figures, but

although the

The comparable

figure

Badung, Gianjar, Bangli, and Klungkung) p. 28.

total cultivated area

since that time, the inter-regional proportions have not

is

for

south

Bali

(Tabanan,

26 percent; see Raka, 1955,

— THE CLASSICAL PERIOD have even speculated that the

on the island were secured unmanageable

the larger,

45

first

footholds of sawâh cultivation

in these small river

deltas.^^ Yet, in a

the coast always seems to have been a

vironment for traditional sawah;

mouths between

more general

chancy and

sense,

difficult en-

could exist there, but not

it

thrive.

Because of the severe water-control problems (and perhaps for other reasons as well its

—the malarial unhealthfulness of the region,

vulnerability to military attack), the north never

became the

center of a developed agrarian culture comparable to that of the interior. After the inland civilization flourished,

tantly

toward the

coast,

drawn

it

moved

hesi-

evidently by the attractions of a

burgeoning Java Sea trade economy; but

never really arrived.

it

Though

the inland civilization periodically controlled the harbor

towns,

it

was never able

sort of

developed wet-rice economy which ed

to secure that control

and

Demak

and, perhaps, at Tjirebon

short-lived, a

ment based

on,

if

century,

itself.

—

was

it

mere interlude of limited

When

more than

the

Dutch arrived

were in

was nonetheless

cultural center of gravity

the old Mataram.^^

in

"The

was

still

full

the seventeenth

after this wistful drift ports,

now

Islamic

commercial swing, the

sparsely settled,

and the

agri-

well inland, in the regions of

aforesaid [sultan of]

residence about five or six days journey interior,"

partial, aberrant,

interior in agrarian matters soon

hundred years

three

partly Javanese,

area in general

in

agricultural develop-

toward the coast began, and when the major

and only

power

not shifting sands, then surging waters, and the

overwhelming supremacy of the reasserted

its

where some success was achieved

the interior. In the few places as at

by establishing the

Mataram has

from Djapara,

his

in the

wrote Jan Pieterszoon Coen, Holland's East India em-

pire builder,

"where there are diverse

"Terra, 1958. "Schrieke, 1955,

p. 265.

large,

populous towns, and


46 the land

is

excellently

rice that is carried

Johore,

Ambon

" Schrieke,

abundant in

and Banda

1955, p. 267.

is

which

it

was

situated

and other

is

usually loaded

The Mataram here is Hindu one of more or less the same.

of the seventeenth century, not the in

rice

victuals; all the

along the whole coast of Java to Molucca,

from

here."

^*

of course the Islamic one

the eighth; but the region

4. THE COLONIAL PERIOD:

FOUNDATIONS

The Company

At

the inception of the colonial period, then, the over-all

ecological pattern

was

fairly well set:

heartland shading off into

and north; in the Outer

worked only here and

The

first

less

on

Java, a wet-rice agrarian

developed regions to the west,

Islands,

east,

an immense tropical forest

there by small tribes of swidden farmers.

object of interest of the Dutch, as of the Portuguese

who

immediately preceded them, were the Moluccas, the fabled spice islands; but their attention soon turned

upon

it

toward Java, and

that they mainly superimposed their colonial

it

is

economy,

turning back again to the Outer Islands only toward the end of the past century.

"Superimposed"

were

essentially

the proper word, because

is

agricultural products out of the archipelago,

of Java,

what the Dutch

concerned to do, from 1619 to 1942, was to pry

which were

saleable

and

particularly out

on world markets without changing

fundamentally the structure of the indigenous economy. The Netherlands was never to re-absorb

Belgium

able, particularly after failed,

to develop

a

William Fs attempt manufacture export

— THE COLONIAL PERIOD: FOUNDATIONS

48

economy even remotely comparable to that of Britain, and so the interest of the Dutch in Indonesia remained overwhelmingly mercantilist to the end.

The

stimulation in Indonesia of extensive

markets for industrial goods,

it

was

would

feared,

lead only to

increased British (or, later, Japanese) influence; the essential eco-

nomic

was

task

maintain a decent differential between the

to

import and re-export prices of East Indian agricultural products a task which implied the developing of

Dutch commercial

and the discouraging of Indonesian

tutions

insti-

Amid

ones.^

the

apparent fluctuations of policy, the colonial period consists, from the economic point of view, of one long attempt to bring Indonesia's crops into the

The means native

and

modern world, but not her

for accomplishing this effort to keep the natives

them

yet get

produce for world markets was the

to

formation of a chronically, and in fact

economic structure sometimes referred sector, there

people.

intrinsically,

to as "dual."

was istrative capitalism:

^

unbalanced

In the export

a system in

which the

holders of capital, the Dutch, regulated selling prices and wages.

^The one

exception,

was the export

and

that but a partial one, to this generalization

from Twente

of textiles to Indonesia

Klaaveren, 1955, pp. 133-136, 138, 164, 192.

Of

after 1870. See

van

course, East India products

did not have to be carried to Holland before being "re-exported," but

could be taken directly to foreign ports (from 1928-1939 about 90 percent of

them were

—see Boeke, 1947,

'Boeke, 1953.

The

were largely unsound, arbitrary,

and

his

p. 105).

fact that Bocke's theoretical explanations for his pessimistic assessment of

its

dualism

policy implications

views concerning Indonesian (or "Eastern") "mentality"

fanciful (see Higgins, 1956)

ought not

to obscure the fact, as

it

sometimes

has, that,

although mal-integration of labor-intensive and capital-intensive

sectors

a general

this

that for

is

phenomenon,

in the

Netherlands East Indies economy

mal-integration was present to an extraordinarily high degree; and

Boeke recognized it,

this fact,

as early as his 1910

even

if

he did not understand the reasons

Leiden dissertation, long before the modern con-

cern with "factor proportions," "multi-sector models" and "discontinuous

investment functions"

made

it

seem

the half-century debate between

bulk of

it

like

an analytical commonplace. For

Boeke and

his

critics

in

Holland, the

rather beside the point, see Indonesian Economics, 1961.

FOUNDATIONS

THE COLONIAL PERIOD: controlled output,

49

and even dictated the processes of production.

In the domestic sector there was family-unit agriculture, a

home

and some petty

industry,

panded, stimulated by rising world commodity

and labor were taken out of

contracted; land

and put

staples

mercial crops.

As

internal trade.

the

first

and other

village

rice

and other com-

and a

steadily

peasant population attempted to compensate for a lost

come,

to

which

it

ex-

second

contracted, responding to collapsing in-

ternational markets, the second expanded;

fied

little

first

prices, the

into sugar, indigo, coffee, tobacco,

As

the

growing

money

had become increasingly accustomed, by

in-

intensi-

production of subsistence crops.

With

perfect flexibility, such a system

of traditional society than

governments

colonial

the

—and

ample Furnivall, have held proach perfect

flexibility:

more

some it

to

might seem

less

disruptive

methods of other

direct

disinterested observers, for ex-

be

so.^

But

did not even ap-

it

the monopolistic nature of economic

organization on the dynamic European side, fused with the political

istration of the colony

(at

first

explicitly,

later

merely de facto), made stickiness inevitable. Not only did a

booming export market tend beyond

realistic limits,

to

compress the subsistence sector

but the ability of Dutch economic leader-

ship to respond effectively to rapidly changing

market conditions

and developing technology was constrained by the weight of financial conservatism

tudes of the

moded

home

and by the

country.

policies to the point

political

and economic

The tendency was

to

vicissi-

maintain out-

where the peasant subsidization of the

export sector through low rents and wages became so altogether oppressive that articulate

Dutch

moralists

would

arise

to

stir

Holland's Calvinist conscience with the specter of "declining native welfare." ist

Then,

after a

few decades of

ineffectual reform-

experimentation and increasing penetration of East Indies

trade by rival powers, a

would promise, •Furnivall, 1948.

finally,

new program would be produced which to make it possible to draw a commercial

— THE COLONIAL PERIOD: FOUNDATIONS

50

from Indonesia while leaving

profit

unharmed

inhabitants

its

even, in any fundamental sense, untouched.

However, the times,

by a

was always more or less the same program in, for modern guise. East Indian colonial history was marked it

series of politico-economic devices (the

Company, means

East India

the Culture System, the Corporate Plantation System) by

of which the European "merchant capitalism" side of the dual economy was to be more efficiently organized for the production and marketing of export crops, and the Indonesian "peasant

household" side was to be better protected against the disruptive effects of this large-scale

commercial agriculture. Driven on by

ever-increasing capital requirements, the institutional contrivances of

Dutch moved from

the

adventurous capitalism in the eight-

eenth century, to those of state capitaUsm in the nineteenth, and to those of bureaucratic capitalism in the twentieth. But, as each

contrivance or device, building upon the ruins of entailed a yet deeper penetration of the rural enterprise,

it

actually

from the economic

made forces

Modern Indonesia was

it

more

its

predecessor,

economy by Western

difficult to isolate native fife

with which such enterprise

Dutch

deals.

policies

and

of these devices,

was

created both because of

in spite of them.

The Dutch

East India

formed in 1602

Company,

the

first

as a state-chartered far-eastern trade

with considerable autonomy ("a

state

syndicate

within a state") in order to

counter the active competition of both Asiatic merchants and other European powers trafficking around the archipelago.'* first,

the

Company was

only interested in commerce

At

—in securing

by hook or by crook whatever products might be carried from places

where they abounded

Aside from

landmark *

its

to those

where they were

depredations in the Moluccas,

in the history of mercantile brutaUty,

The Company's activities were of course not The best book on its commercial aspects

area.

social

scarce.

something of a its initial

impact

confined to the Indonesian is

Glamann,

impact in Indonesia, see Gonggrijp, 1957, pp. 181-321.

1958.

For

its

THE COLONIAL PERIOD: FOUNDATIONS

51

therefore, in the age ports of the

was mainly concentrated,

Java Sea, and particularly in those dotting Java's north coast. But, in

an age of rampant mercantilism, the catchword

ness

is

is

velopment implies

up

the forcing

political

of tolls

The Company

expansion.

—soon

more comprehensive

control over sources of supply.^

all

of

Hook; by

hand

of

turned toward gaining a

and lords"

dominated

—"tired

and market taxes and the constant giving

of presents to rulers

East

not "busi-

business" but "trade follows the flag": commercial de-

Sunda; by 1743 the entire

By 1684

and most

What began

as a trade

it

of the

(The Moluccas had been

1755 the Kedjawen.

since about 1660.)

Pasisir

in

combine ended,

not without struggle, as a sovereign.

The

colonial

economy

this

among

sharp distinctions

commerce,

all

free,

Gonggrijp has well

said,

pre-emptive, quota and monopoly

The Company,

ditions, functioned in diverse its

as

conducted under the shadow of the cannon, are

not too usefully made.^

But

marriage of the economic and the

produced was one in which,

political

activities

ways

adjusting to local con-

in different parts of

its

realm.

everywhere worked toward the same end: the

reduction of indigenous chiefs to dependents and the substitution of tribute for trade.

In the Moluccas, the luckless source of cloves and nutmeg, the

Dutch imposed

ment

restriction of cultivation, collective punish-

(for "smuggling"),

and forced labor exercised through the

agency of humbled native

Lampong

rulers. In the

pepper areas, Bantam-

and, to a lesser extent, central Sumatra, treaties with

harbor sultans established quotas and fixed prices. In the Priangan highlands coffee gardens were introduced with traditional aristocrats

acting as the

Company's labor

contractors.

around Batavia and the ading northwest nearly a

now

hundred private sugar

converted to

(almost

all

Company

from

were

local lordlings

employees, the proprietors of which

Chinese) consequently exercised seignorial rights over

'^Schrieke, 1955,p. 62. •

estates, leased

Immediately

coast, there

Gonggrijp, 1957,

p. 40.


52

the villagers

who

chanced to

live

thread, beans,

and

cash.

bankruptcy on the

By

lines.

The Company

new

pepper, spices, and sugar preceded

cofifee;

vised, in

rough form, most of the techniques

But

laid

Dutch

cultivations

and de-

it)

skimming

for

cash

economy

when

peasants.

became

so useful

Java

filled

up with

impact on the Indonesian ecological pattern as a whole

was marginal and unsystematic. could,

had

the surface of an immobilized subsistence

later

its

it

established the

(mainly

which

dissolved in

the Netherlands East Indies econ-

presence in the archipelago, introduced a few

ofiF

but half-

still

Company

the time the

down the general lines which omy followed to the end.

crops

in

levies in rice, timber, cotton

day of the eighteenth century,

last

But only the general

And

on them.

subdued central Java were simple

demanding

on

capitalized

It

where

it

it

deliveries, fixing prices, restricting trade but,

with a few exceptions, such as the decimation of Banda, attempt to act upon

it

make

next major scheme to

did not

work was pioneering; concame after it with the

directly. Its

it

solidation of the approach

it

established

Indonesia pay

—the

Culture System.

The Culture System

To economic

speak of the Culture System''^ as a stage of Indonesian history,

however,

stroke of fiscal genius by

we '

is

to

speak synecdochically. That

Governor General van den Bosch which

conceive to be the System proper Cultuurstelsel. Properly, this

—the

term ought

remission of the peas-

to be

Englished as "Cultiva-

tion System," but the "Culture System" mistranslation

the Hrerature that

it

seems

less

so

is

deal has been written about the Culture System

(see,

and

justifiability

in particular

by an anxious concern with

(or lack thereof)

rather than

crystallizing Colonial pattern in Indonesia

its

modern Indonesian

exception to this stricture

is

A

in

great

it

has been

its

long-run

immediate moral

importance as part of the

and the

played in the formation of

its

it.

for example, the

Reinsma, 1955, pp. 183-189), but much of marred by focus on its short-run impact at the expense of bibliography in

effects,

embedded

confusing to continue to employ

society.

role

it

consequendy

The most important

the discussion by Burger, 1939, pp. 117-160.


undertaking to cultivate govern-

ant's land taxes in favor of his

ment-owned export crops on

work

tively, to

sixty-six

estates or other projects

state plantation

there

was

whole

a

one-fifth of his fields or, alterna-

days of his year on government-owned

—was only part of a much larger complex

of politico-economic policies

moth

53

and

which

institutions.

this

Alongside the

make

system tended to

mam-

of Java,

and inde-

series of adjuncts, related systems,

pendent growths, so that the picture of the island from 1830

much more

1870

is

that

which has

a

this, in spite

differentiated

drawn

so often been

of the fact that

it

and much for us.

And

to

one than

less static

yet, in spite of

never encomed more than about

6 percent of Java's cultivated land or about a quarter of her people in

any one

year,

and although

it

was only

fully applied for per-

haps two decades, van den Bosch's miraculous invention ("less taxes but

more Government revenue!"

mock wonder)

does define the period.^

the age: ecologically, at any rate,

Dutch

it

de Graff exclaims in

as

And

the period defines

was the most

decisive of the

Company

era, the classic stage of colonial history, as the

was the formative.

The System, ways. By

its

in this larger sense,

intense concentration

was

decisive in at least three

on Java

it

gave a

the extreme contrast between Inner Indonesia

thenceforth merely deepened.

It

stabilized

final

form

to

and Outer which

and accentuated the

dual economy pattern of a capital-intensive Western sector and a labor-intensive Eastern

one by rapidly developing the

rigorously stereotyping the second, a gulf

merely widened of

it

also subsequently

effects

on Javanese peasantry and gentry

an enormously deeper Western penetration into their

from leading point

which

Dutch investment grew. And, most important

prevented the

all, it

alike of

as

to

autochthonous agricultural modernization

it

was

explication

brutal, corrupt or

and substantiation.

dc Graff, 1949,

p. 407.

uneconomic), demand,

its

life

at the

could most easily have occurred. Such charges, more

ous than those usually leveled against the System by (that

and

first

seri-

enemies

clearly,

both


54

The impact

of the Culture System

upon indigenous Javanese

agriculture was, of course, mainly exercised through the agency

of the cultivations

Under

its

it

imposed

as substitutes for

which

aegis, virtually every crop

ceivably be

grown with

coflee,

tobacco, pepper, cinchona,

tea,

profit

at the

money

taxes.^

time might con-

was attempted: indigo, sugar, cinnamon, cotton,

silk,

cocheneale; in Tjirebon, the government even tried for a while,

with disastrous

results, to

it/^

Almost

larly, sugar,

the

all

turn rice into a levy by

demanding

it

and contracting with private

millers to mill

these experiments, save coffee and,

most spectacu-

in lieu of taxes also

eventually failed; but the effect of this tinkering with

ecosystems

established

was nonetheless profound. Today

almost none of these crops are of central importance in Indonesian exports,

copra.

which

—minerals

aside

—are

dominated by rubber and

But they established the matrix within which the present

farming system, steadily replacing

profitless crops

with profitable

ones, matured, and, in fact, over-ripened.

In these , the imposed crops of the Culture System sorted themselves out into two broad categories: annuals (sugar, indigo, tobacco), which could be

and perennials

grown on sawahs and

(coffee, tea, pepper,

and cinnamon) which could

not.^^

in rotation with rice;

less

important cinchona

As a result, these two cultivamodes of interaction with

tions developed sharply contrasting

the established biotic communities into which they were projecting,

by order of the King. The annuals tended to

mutualistic relationship with habitats with them,

deterioration

on

if

fall

into a

such communities, sharing their

not exactly without strain, at least without

either side and, in fact, with a degree of reciprocal

encouragement. The perennials (except for the

spices,

which had

been grown on swiddens since well before the Dutch advent) tended to "For

fall

into an insular relationship, pre-empting

a history of taxation practices in Java

up

unused

to 1816, sec Bastin, 1957.

'"Gonggrijp, 1957, pp. 102-103.

"This point has been 1955,pp. 18-19, 118, 120.

particularly well

emphasized by van Klaveren,

THE COLONIAL PERIOD: FOUNDATIONS and sealing themselves

habitats

independent enclaves.

as

irony, a

off

It is, to

55

from the indigenous systems

anticipate, but a sort of natural

kind of immanent parable,

long run,

that, in the

the mutualistic relationship which turned out to be the

it

was

more

in-

jurious to Indonesian economic vitality.

The two main

which occupied much

cultivations, the only ones

showed important

land, absorbed significant quantities of labor,

on the general structure

profit, or exercised a lasting influence

the peasant economy, were sugar

on the

perennials,

on the annuals

and they may be taken

and

side

of

cofifee

as type cases.^^

Sugar demands irrigation (and drainage) and a general en-

vironment almost identical

to that for

wet

rice; thus,

on peasant sawah,

of necessity initially cultivated

it

was almost

for the

most part

under the one-fifth remission of land-tax procedure.^^ Coffee pre"In

1830, coffee ed for about 36 percent of Netherlands East

Indies exports by value, sugar for about 13 percent; for 1850, the figures are 32 percent

and 30 percent;

and 45 percent. Cal-

for 1870, 43 percent

from Furnivall,

1944, pp. 129, 169.

For a while, indigo was im-

portant, particularly in

some dense sawah

areas

Doom,

But

culated

1926, pp. 37-38).

it

(see,

for example,

van

never proved very profitable and eventually

became almost completely replaced by sugar

the latter flourished. In

as

1840 indigo ed for nearly 9 percent of the export value; by 1870 for about 3 percent (Furnivall, as above),

synthetic dyes

and sugar

removed

largely

it

dominated the

later

less altogether.

phases of the

Company

Coffee

period too:

Day, 1904, pp. 66-70.

see

"

and Jogjakarta,

In the indirectly ruled principalities of Surakarta

which

this

procedure did not formally extend,

seignorial village-lease system

were

essentially

political

lived in

them from

from

original foothold

to

and eventually the invention of

from the scene more or

its

(in

which

rights over

a

on the northwest few

was

special areas,

to

cultivated under the

the entrepreneurs

the villages

the Javanese aristocracy)

European hands. In

it

and the

rented what villagers

who

which had by now migrated

coast

and

shifted

such as the

still

from Chinese

sparsely settled

Surabaja delta, the quasi-private entrepreneurs rented the necessary sawah

and hired the required labor from basis, usually

village authorities

on

a cash-and-carry

with capital advanced by the government on condition that

the crops produced be sold to

it

at

contracted prices. But these latter sys-

tems added up to mere variations on the basic approach

— the establishment


56

highland

fers a

need

setting, does not

relatively constant labor force rather

one of sugar; thus,

it

irrigation,

and requires

a

than the seasonally variable

was grown on

so-called "waste" (that

is,

uncuhiw ate d, not uncu\ti\able) land, for the most part under the labor-tax procedure. Sugar obligations

which had

units of land per village

were measured in of

to

be devoted to

its

cultiva-

number of trees each conscripted family had to care for.^^ It would be expected, then, that sugar, integrated into the sawah regime, would become a peasant crop and coffee, isolated from peasant agriculture, would become an estate crop. Instead, however, in the final tion; coffee assessments

were levied

in of the

three decades of the Colonial Period, about 60 percent of Indo-

was coming from

production

coffee

nesia's

(almost

entirely

Outer Island) small holders, and more than 95 percent of her sugar production

owned

(still

wholly confined to Java) from Dutch-

corporate plantations.^^

This paradox

dissolves,

however,

when

the mutualistic

and

"exclusivistic" relationships are considered. In the mutualistic re-

lationship, the expansion of

with

it

one

side,

sugar cultivation, brings

The more

the expansion of the other, wet-rice growing.

numerous and the

better irrigated the terraces are, the

of a symbiosis between the Javanese subsistence

more sugar

economy and

the

Dutch

commercial economy. For a description of these variant arrangements, see Reinsma, 1955,pp. 125-159.

"van

Klaaveren, 1955,

p. 120.

Of

course, the relation

between labor-force

requirements, environmental factors, and the location of the two sorts of cultivation

was again

was planted

a systematic, not a linear one. In part, at least sugar

in the lowlands, because that

was where the usable population

was, coffee in the highlands, because that was where the usable land was.

The

relative

importance of ecological and economic variables

the spatial distribution of estate agriculture in Java

with any precision

"For it

was

in

determining

difficult to

determine

at this late date.

coffee, Metcalf, 1952, p. 70. Small-holder sugar production, because

so marginal,

or so estimate

A

is

is

is

much

harder to determine precisely;

based on the graph on

p. 418, of

discussion of small-holder sugar-growing

ness can be found in van der Kolff, in

Ruopp,

and the reasons 1953.

my

5 percent

van de Koppel, 1946. for

its

weak-

FOUNDATIONS

THE COLONIAL PERIOD:

S7

—a seasonal, readily available, part-time proletariat) — ed

can be grown; and the more people resident labor force (a sort of

can

by these terraces during the nonsugar portion of the

cycle,

grow sugar. The dynamics on

bond sup-

either side of this

odd

ecological

port their respective growths. If terracing

more and

tended, because of

improved or

is

better irrigation, the peasant

ex-

food

production and commercial cultivation can both be increased

although they are being grown, so to speak, on the same land. This, in turn,

makes

it

maximum amounts

possible to conscript

and labor into the commercial

of land

on

sector

temporary basis

a

while leaving that sector "morally" free to contract whenever

market conditions so is

indicate,

under the theory that the peasant

only ively engaged in the wider economy and that such

merely

contracting

more land

to

provides

him

— until

farm and more time

whole thought and feeling

is

to

prices

farm

it.

recover

For men whose

consumed by export

Gonggrijp has said of van den Bosch's,

this

—with

is

statistics,

as

an attractive

arrangement.^^

The

pleasing

increase

is

symmetry of

we

not to be the case.

It

shall see, this eventually

also

assumes that the

came very much

profits to

be gained

(or other products) will not prove so fatally attractive

as to lead to

expense

assumes that population

matched by the intensive or extensive growth

at least

of sawah, and, as

from sugar

this picture

an overexpansion of

its

cultivation at the peasant's

—a danger the government always seems to have realized

but not always seems to have been able, or perhaps willing, to avoid. will

And, more

to the

immediate point,

it

assumes that there

be no drift of the market mentality across the export-

subsistence line; namely, that Javanese peasants will not themselves replace the cultivation of

holder sugar. base

means

If

that

rice

on

their lands

by small-

they do, the resultant pressure on the subsistence it

"Gonggrijp, 1957,

will be

p. 195.

more

difficult to conscript

peasant land


58

and

labor.

The

workability of the whole mutualistic relationship

depends, in short, on each side "doing side feeding the labor force,

its

job"

—the

and the commercial

subsistence

side

producing

state revenue.

Nor labor

does this change essentially

is

replaced by paid labor,

if

if,

as also

land

is

soon occurred, forced rented rather than

use appropriated as a form of taxation, and

if

neurs replace governmental managers. Then,

holding

down money wages and

rents

to provide its

own

in the settled

sawah

a matter of

means with which

subsistence.^^ In the Culture

political control

is

it

and avoiding the formation

of a true proletariat without the productive

appendages

its

private entrepre-

System and

was pervasive enough,

areas, to prevent the

its

particularly

expansion of peasant

cane growing: the main problem seems to have been to contain the commercial pressures sufficiently to keep the peasants fleeing their land altogether. Later, legal restrictions,

Dutch

and semilegal pressures

control of milling,

easily effected the

aim of keeping small-holders out of the cane-growing and there was no place

left to

which

to flee. In the

a colonial political system, the close ecological

and

rice

For the

became the

basis for their radical

coffee, the situation

Company

was

different.

from

tie

same

business,

framework

of

between sugar

economic separation.

Introduced

during

first

period in the Priangan highlands of Sunda under a

proto-Culture System arrangement, and later spread to the tainside areas of the

still

extent of the Kedjawen,

sparsely settled East it

Hook, and

became by the beginning

teenth century Indonesia's most profitable export.

mounsome

to

of the nine-

(When

the

Padri wars gave the Dutch their entree into the Padang highlands after 1837, the forced cultivation of coffee was introduced there too, about the only important example of the

Culture-

System type of approach outside of Java.) Cultivated,

thus,

on

"waste" land, coffee's fortunes were only indirectly linked with those of peasant subsistence agriculture. Coffee did not

"Even under and

rents

the Culture System a certain quantity of

were paid. See Burger, 1939, pp. 140

ff.

demand

money wages

— FOUNDATIONS


59

the periodic efforts of great hordes of peasant-coohes organized

ant-Hke into short, intensive "campaigns," but the steady, pains-

taking appHcation of at

least

cultivated by a labor force less massive

the one

employed

was

and

less fluctuating

than

so

in sugar.

Such a system naturally leads estates,

it

and

semiskilled labor,

the formation of enclave

to

manned by permanent,

fuUy-proletarianized

Although under the Culture System labor was wholly from the lower-lying coolie settlements established

still

workers.

drawn almost with

rice villages, true plantations,

on or around them, soon devel-

oped, particularly in eastern Java where a supply of landless peasants

was

between

this pattern

largely sawah-

from well-populated but

available

colonial period, the divergence

Madura. By the end of the

less

and

that characteristic of sugar

was

virtu-

complete: of the four sugar enterprises studied by the Coolie

ally

Budget Commission Report of 1939-40, none had any resident cane workers; for the three coffee

were housed on and by the

ies

Yet, at the

estates,

100 percent of the cool-

estate.^^

same time, the Dutch were much

less

concerned'

to discourage, or prohibit outright, peasant cultivation of coffee

than of sugar.

and

A

perennial, coffee could not be

government regarded

as the

grown on sawah,

"waste" lands as

all

its

per-

sonal property, the reservation of uncultivated land to estate exploitation

ing

fitted

was

easily

managed.

On

the other hand, coffee-grow-

well with swidden, particularly on hillsides, where

small gardens could be cared for without any real pressure on subsistence cultivation and, in fact, as the trees helped with the

closed-cover problem, perhaps with trees

some

benefit to

it.

Coffee

could be planted in swiddens and, taking three or four

years before they

became productive, could be maintained

gardens after the other swidden crops

had ceased

to

—grains,

as

legumes, roots

be economic and had been "shifted" to another

"Living Conditions of Plantation Workers and Peasants on Java 1939-1940, 1956, pp.

6, 13.

course, but the contrast

is

The

distinction

clear over-all.

is

in

not always quite this sharp, of


60

plot,

thus fitting neatly into the phased intercropping pattern of

swidden generally. Like pepper before

woven

coffee could be ing,

and

so

its

after

it,

swidden farm-

directly into the fabric of

spread from

it

and rubber

it

Dutch-established Outer Island

beachheads in west Sumatra, north central Celebes, and other areas to free small-holder cultivation in a

sawah with ration

we

way

associate with

This spread,

bound

sugar,

that dismal combination of dependence

Siamese twins, never

did.^^

development of enclave plantations,

like the full

when

occurred well after the decline of the Culture System,

more

Outer Islands began

to feel

commercial

interests.

But the

the decline.

The

pean

estates,

drift of a

sector istic

the

impact of Western

was

laid

during

isolation of coffee cultivation

on enclave Euro-

made

the barrier to the

Hke that of rubber

less

directly the

basis for the spread

later on,

commercial orientation

much

to

and sepa-

to agriculture into the peasant

formidable in the long run than did the mutual-

integration of sugar with wet-rice growing. Here, ecological

separation eventually reduced economic contrast, at least in the sense that peasant agriculture Indies' export

agriculture

economy

a functioning

rather than merely

was developed,

tion rather than

By

became

its

element in the

backstop; peasant

at least in part, into a business proposi-

becoming frozen

into a kind of outdoor relief.

the end of the colonial period, around 45 percent by value

of Outer Island peasant agriculture

was embodied

in

export

crops as against food crops, in Java about 9 percent. Put another

" For

a discussion of the role of tree crops in the

swidden cycle and

their

continued harvesting over extensive periods, see ConkHn, 1960. For the integration of coffee trees into the swidden pattern in Outer Indonesia, see

van Hall,

n.d., pp.

105-106; Paerels, 1946; and Pelzer, 1945, pp. 23-26. For

pepper, see Rutgers, 1946. For rubber, van Gelder, 1946; and Thomas, n.d., pp. 21-23

and Appendix H. Tree crop planting

in

swiddens

not free of the adaptive constraints of the regime generally;

is,

much

of course,

of south-

west Sumatra was planted with Robusta coffee trees in the early 1930's, only to be

abandoned with the

collapse of coffee prices in the depression, leaving

vast areas to revert to imperata

communication).

savannah (Benjamin Higgins, personal


FOUNDATIONS

61

crops per capita way: though the production (by value) of food

was approximately the same, the was about seven times But despite

as

per-capita value of export crops

high in the Outer Islands.

existing ecological this difference in relationship to

patterns, annuals

shared another

and perennials grown under Dutch auspices

critical

property that peasant cultivations (even

for the same they were the same crops and were grown a moderncommercial ends) lacked— they were integrated into

when

izing economy.

an ecological one This basic difFerence— a sociological and not into two radinow-split Netherlands East Indies agriculture which, despite Boeke^s objections, better, "native" and "foreign," or, perhaps

unconformable

cally

one can only

call

strata

well-capitalized, Indonesian and Dutch.^^ For the large-scale, 1900 ed by which rationally organized estate agriculture exports (by 1938, after for 90 percent by value of Indonesia's

percent), was Outer Island small holders got well established, 60 sense, geographic spatial or essentially not part, save in a merely of the Indonesian

economy

at all,

but of the Dutch.^^

The

uni-

of opposing the NEI econversal practice of colonial historians economy as omy as a unit on the one hand to the Netherlands obscures this crucial fact. There never a unit on the other merely Netherlands East Indies was, even in Company times, a really

was just that adan integral, analytic sense-there the Dutch economy which mittedly highly autonomous, branch of ("tropical Holland," as it was some-

economy was 20

in

situated in the Indies

Boeke, 1947,

p. 25.

As Boeke remarks, such

figures

(which are for 1939

alone) can be at best general and are computed on the agrarian population the order of magnitudes but side, crop food on the estimates, particularly is

such that the broad picture

is

clear.

" Some of the "Dutch" side actually came into British, American, etc and Donnithorne, 1957, p. 288). hands- by 1937 about a quarter (Allen and colonialism is to be desperate attempt to dissociate dualism Boeke's

found

in his 1953, pp.

"Metcalf, 1952,p.8.

18-20 and im.


62

times called), and, cheek-by-jowl, the autonomous Indonesian

economy

also situated there.

And

though, indeed, the two inter-

acted continuously in ways which fundamentally shaped their separate courses, they steadily diverged, largely as a result of this interaction, to the point

where the

structural contrasts be-

tween them were overwhelming. What Boeke regarded

and permanent

intrinsic

ern") economic really

an

an

as

characteristic of Indonesian (or "East-

"a primarily spiritual phenomenon," was

life,

historically created condition;

grew not from the

it

immutable essence of the Eastern soul

as

incarnate spirit of Western dynamism, but

predestined shape of colonial policy as

it

it

encountered the

from the

impressed

no way

in

upon

itself

the traditional pattern of Indonesian agriculture.^^

This view, that the radical economic dualism which came to characterize Indonesia

may seem

was brought on by a

be belied by the fact that

to

which are not colonies in former

colonies

(Italy, for

pearance

may

found

is

example) and

also

in countries

may

(the Philippines, for example)

have become independent. But the general does not

it

set of colonial policies

mean

fact that a

persist

after

they

phenomenon

that the particular occasions of

its

is

ap-

not be various, as the example of inflation only too

well demonstrates. Basically, the development of dualism consists

of a trend toward fixed (or

presumed

fixed) technical co-

production in more and more capital-intensive enter-

efficients of

prises

on the one hand, and toward

more

labor-intensive activities

more and

variable ones in

on the

other, together

with the

peculiarly lopsided pattern of investment, productivity,

ployment which flows from Despite

its

this steadily

widening

disparity.^*

formal identity from place to place, the ways in which

such a situation can arise historically are very diverse.

what we

and em-

are concerned to understand here

is

And

as

not the mere pres-

ence but the extraordinary severity of this development so far as

Indonesia

" Boeke,

is

concerned (with, so to speak, "runaway duaUsm"),

1953, p. 14.

**Higgins, 1959, pp. 325-340.

THE COLONIAL PERIOD: FOUNDATIONS the nature of

Dutch

63

colonial policy, the decisive force

on the

capital-intensive side, can hardly be irrelevant.

The

inability of

Dutch

private enterprise to provide the capi-

necessary to exploit Java efficiently

tal

was one of the main

motivating forces for the institution of the Culture System in

From 1816 (when the EngUsh interregnum (when van den Bosch, plan in hand, arrived in Java), the Dutch in Indonesia faced a situation similar to that faced by some newly independent nations today. A once the Comeffective mechanism for producing foreign exchange pany had become exhausted and discredited, and had disap-

the

first

ended)

place.^^

to

1830

—

—

peared, leaving behind

how

it

an intense theoretical controversy over

to increase the island's profitability.

was

available enough, but capital

Land and

in short supply,

pered rapid expansion of private enterprise (at of the sort desired

Looked

by the Dutch)

by the Liberal opponents of van den Bosch.^®

at against this

to represent the

least

labor were

which ham-

background, the Culture System appears

kind of governmental mobilization of "redun-

dant" labor for capital creation projects which has been often

proposed and occasionally attempted in underdeveloped areas.

Within the framework of the

labor-tax system, itself cast in the

of the traditional corvee powers of the indigenous aris-

mold

tocracy, the

gation

government

facilities,

built roads

and bridges, expanded

and improved large

cleared

land, constructed buildings,

tracts

of "waste"

and generally substituted the labor

of the Javanese for the capital

Holland lacked in laying the

preparative foundations of a very rapidly accelerating, torted, process of

At

first,

if

dis-

economic growth.

such efforts to accumulate social capital by applying

redundant labor

work

irri-

to

government

projects were, like the forced

in cultivation itself, not altogether successful.

(Nor was the

^^Reinsma, 1955,pp. 17-21.

^For this

a description

and

analysis of the Liberal-Conservative debate of

period (and a spirited, not to say emotional, defense of the Conserva-

tive policy actually chosen), see

Ottow, 1937.


64

labor always so simply redundant as

An

seemed, as the rice-crop

it

and attendant famines of the

failures

1840's

soon

made

clear.)

estimated 100,000 days of unpaid labor on an irrigation sys-

tem

in

when

Demak went

largely,

typical northcoast

main work.^^ In seems

to

and

down

Hterally,

the

drain,

wet monsoon flooding washed out

Tjilatjap,

on the south

its

even more work

coast,

have been wasted when two large-scale attempts

to

build a waterway to the harbor failed, one because an impossible route

had been chosen, the other because the banks caved mr^

But, as in the cultivations, experience proved a teacher, and these projects soon

grew more

and more

efficient

extensive. In

Kedjawen

the so-called Bagalen area west of Jogjakarta in the a

huge

irrigation canal

cultivation

and

was

to provide

built to the forced indigo

water for the

new

"capital" of the

region of Purweredjo; the lower reaches of the Lukolo river were

rerouted to run of the coastal

up

more

directly to the sea, thus draining a

swamp which had made

to that time;

and four

small, indigo factories

large, as well as a great

were

built

with taxation

Day, drawing on a British government source, cheered by musicians and dancing

on

a single

dam somewhere

Brantas

the

delta

girls,

number

tells

of

Clive

labor.^^

of 1,200

men,

laboring three months

during

in Java

good part

the littoral uncultivable

this period;

and

in

around Sidoardjo, "private" entrepreneurs,

using government-supplied labor, began to build up what eventu-

became, after 1852, Indonesia's

ally

irrigation system.^^ specific data

seem

first

technically

modernized

Concerning roadways and bridges, even fewer to be available, but Furnivall

the beginning of the Culture System single trunk road to the interior),

(when

remarks that in there

was but

a

communications threatened

''Gonggrijp, 1957,p. 103.

^ Day,

1904, p. 286.

^ Van Doom,

A

third effort ultimately succeeded, however.

1926, pp. 37-38.

There was

mills

which never materialized. Elsewhere

labor

was directed

'°

to mill construction: see

Day, 1904, pp. 285-286.

also a plan to build three sugar in Java,

however, government

Reinsma, 1955,

p. 138.

THE COLONIAL PERIOD: FOUNDATIONS to be a greater bottleneck to Java's

65

development than

its

fer-

tility:

.

but the istrative machinery of van den Bosch gave the

.

.

State

command

an almost unlimited

some

over free labor, and this

v^'as

employed so

lavishly in

van Hoevell

talks of the fine roads intersecting the countryside in

parts, if not

everywhere, that in 1847

spanning the numerous streams and

the Preangers, with bridges

of the imposing public buildings;

and a few years

Money was

later

impressed by the superiority of the communications to those of British India.^^

From

the developmental point of view, therefore, the Culture

System represented an attempt peasantry's bootstraps;

and

to raise

in this

it

an

estate

economy by

was remarkably

a

successful.

Benefiting from the external economies created by the formation of social capital, the forced diffusion of plantation crops

attendant labor

more

direct

skills

over the island, and a certain

governmental

and

amount

of

assistance, private enterprises steadily

multiplied; soon their returns were great

enough

that they could

provide most of the investment required for the qualitative

changes in capital stock, particularly in sugar-milling, which

were becoming necessary.^^ As Reinsma has well argued, the protracted "fall" of the Culture System (which lasted

1850 to about 1915) and

its

ftom about

gradual replacement by the Cor-

porate Plantation System were largely self-generated, because success in establishing a serviceable export

made

private entrepreneurship, originally so

of capital, progressively

*^

Furnivall, 1944, p. 128.

Money

economy

more

hampered by

lack

feasible:

Van Hoevell was an archenemy

a British enthusiast for

its

infrastructure

of the system,

it.

""In 1840, private estates ed for 17 percent of agricultural export

volume, government forced cultivation 78 percent. In 1850, the figures were 26 and 73; in 1860, 58 and 39; in 1870, 43 and 52; in 1873, 72 and 19.

Reinsma, 1955,

p. 157.

"external economies,"

For a general discussion of

and development,

"social

overhead

capital,"

see Higgins, 1959, pp. 384-^08.

CcU{i^^-7 [Arf>ordL%'W^


66

A

many

great

success

their

[private Netherlands East Indies]

to

thank not

to

[economic]

the

planters

.

.

renaissance

had

.

the

of

Netherlands, but to "the energy of pioneers, ed by speculative

elements in the Indies

itself."

So

far as capital supply

cerned, private enterprise in the motherland

played a

is

con-

much

less

powerful role in ing the successors of the Culture System than has commonly been suggested in the literature.^^

.^-

aN;

Like most Liberal analyses, vidual character and

less

But

is

its

essential point

this

gives

more weight

to social context

than seems

indi-

to

realistic.

accurate: though importantly assisted by

Netherlands investment in shipping and trade,(^he capital-intensive side of the

Indonesian dual economy was not merely im-

ported bodily from Holland like street canals and billiards, but

was

;.^

a

dirm

product of the workings of the Colonial System after

about 1830] If

we

look again at the two leading commercial crops of the

nineteenth century, coffee and sugar, a somewhat picture of the developmental pattern appears,

System "big push" generated. (Graph

1.)^*

more palpable

which the Culture

The production

of

most immediately affected by the system,

coffee, the cultivation

rose sharply within ten years of the inception of mass-labor taxa-

tion to a

new

level as

it

spread extensively over the uncultivated

uplands of Java. (In 1833 somewhat more than 100 million are said to have existed

on Java; two years

twice that many, and by

later, in 1835,

trees

about

1840-50 more than three times

as

many.^^) But, not particularly susceptible to qualitative technical ^Reinsma, 1955, p. 171. The internal quotation is from a Dutch government report on "the first commercial houses in Indonesia." ** Based on figures in Furnivall, 1944, pp. 75, 104, 129, 171, 207. The beginning and end points of the Culture System are the conventional ones, and ittedly somewhat arbitrary. No production figures for 1870 are available, evidently.

^Van

Klaaveren, 1955,

have been so conscientious figures

p.

123.

as to

As not even Dutch

civil

servants can

have counted 300 million coffee

trees,

such

must, of course, be taken only as general, order-of-magnitude

estimates.

^T.

Source:

Furnivall, Netherlands India,

S.

J.

Cambridge (England): Cam-

bridge University Press, 1944, pp. 75, 109, 129, 171, 207.

improvement, reached

its

disease,

did

not

continue

upward once

approximate Umits; having found a higher

around

oscillated

spread

this

it.

(The

severe dip in 1880-1890

which was overcome

in the 1890's

by a

it

level, it

was due

to

shift in species.)

For the period of the Culture System proper, roughly the middle half of the nineteenth century, coffee

were

to

England— it

counting in

itself

virtually

for

between

was

to Java

carried the estate a

what

textiles

economy,

ac-

quarter and a third of the

Indies' export income.^^ *"

Furnivall,

shaped it.

this

From

1944, as

pattern as

it

in

note 34.

Though

movements obviously no simple way for coffee prices was moderately price

developed, they can in

1825 to 1855, the general trend of


68

Sugar production, however, behaved differendy. In the place,

it

(and

rose less explosively

also less erratically)

the Culture System, mainly because

its

advances were based on

technical improvements, in both cultivation

Where

took time and capital to develop.

first

under

and milling, which the area planted in

cane increased only about 18 percent between 1833 and 1861, the

production per hectare of refined sugar about tripled.^^ And, unlike the

cof^Fee

expansion, this growth, once underway, con-

tinued at an accelerating rate: by 1900, productivity had doubled

again and,

now

that

modern

irrigation facilities

were appearing

had about

tripled, leading

in significant quantity, planted area

output increase shown on the graph.^^ Thus, the

to the five-fold

role of

vanguard industry that coffee played up

sugar played for the

into the twentieth, until in 1920

guilders of export revenue erals included,

it

—more

earned more than a million

than

all

other products, min-

put together.^^

downward; after downward again, (calculated

to about 1880,

quarter of the nineteenth century and

last

1860 they rose rapidly until 1875, rising once

more

from Furnivall). Sugar

in

prices

at least until 1885, but a similar analysis

'"Burger, 1939, pp. 130, 154.

On

when

they plunged

1890-1895 and falling off in 1900

were somewhat

less fluctuating,

can be given for them.

the cultivation side the technical im-

provements consisted of m.ore intensive planting and care under the called

Reynoso system; on the milling

side of

more and more

so-

elaborate

machinery. Between 1830 and 1839 machinery imports (mostly for sugar) into the Netherlands East Indies averaged 1.48 million guilders annually;

1840-1849, 1.79; 1850-1859, 2.02; 1860-1869, 2.78 (Reinsma, 1955, Capitalization

was increasing

in other crops too:

more than 500,000

tobacco grower George Birnie spent tion

works

in

Djember (Boeke,

'"Gonggrijp, 1957,

p. 121.

after

p.

159).

1859, the private

guilders on irriga-

1953, pp. 212-213.).

Gonggrijp's figures do not entirely

Burger's, but again the general direction,

if

tally

not the precise values,

is

with clear

enough. For the steady increase in per-hectare refined sugar productivity

from about 20 quintals in 1842 to about 165 in van Hall and van de Koppel, 1946, p. 291. ^Furnivall, 1944,

p. 337.

About

this

in 1937, see Koningsberger,

time Java was contributing about

10 percent of the world's sugar supply; see graph in Bulletin of the Colonial Institute of

Amsterdam, 3:207 (1939).

FOUNDATIONS

THE COLONIAL PERIOD: In sum,

is

"take-off"

is

sudden transition

relatively

there

if

at least

69

defined as a largely self-generated,

economic growth, then

to sustained

presumptive evidence that something of the sort

occurred on the estate side of the dual economy during the

Culture System period, or

—

if

the system

merely establishing preconditions

—

^just

became progressively more

the estate sector

be viewed as

itself

after it.*^

The

fact that

integrated

closely

modernizing Netherlands economy (and progressively

into the

segregated from the rigidifying Javanese one) does not mean, as has

that

sometimes been

economy;

it

asserted, that

was

it

was

a simple creation of

land and labor

a creation of Javanese

organized under Dutch

colonial political direction. If anything,

the flow of ran the other way:

"The

true

measure of

[van den Bosch's] greatness," Furnivall has justly written, the renascence of the Netherlands."

The

true measure of van

"is

*^

den Bosch's malignancy, however,

is

the stultification of Indonesia. For, although the Javanese helped

launch the estate sector, they were not properly part of

were they permitted did, or their

more

own

was of

exactly

to

become

so;

were obligated

time, they multiplied;

a less remunerative sort

and

it

was

nor

it,

something they

just

to do, in their spare time.

"take-off"

on

On

the peasant side

—into rapid and sustained popula-

tion growth. In 1830 there

were probably about 7 million people

on Java;

(when census-taking

in 1840, 8.7; 1850

first

became

rea-

sonably systematic), 9.6; 1860, 12.7; 1870, 16.2; 1880, 19.5; 1890, 23.6; 1900, 28.4

—an

average annual increase of approximately 2

percent during seventy

years."*^

**The "take-off" concept

is

And, here

from Rostow,

too, the pattern

1960, pp.

36-58.

once

However,

Rostow's analysis generally ignores the developmental patterns of colonial economies. "Furnivall, 1944,

"Reinsma,

p. 152.

1870, second part, p. 68. eral pattern

is

The Population of Indonesia, p. 22; van Alphen, Not all these sources precisely agree, but the gen-

1955, p. 175;

about the same. Also, of course, the rate of growth was not

steady: in the 1840's

when

there

was famine, the annual increase seems

to


70

(though the rate slows)

established, persists

:

1920, 34.4;

What the precise causes of this "explosion" were ticularly, how far it was directly rather than merely

41.7.

detonated by Culture System policies,

are,

scarce, matters of debate. But there

little

is

1930,

and, parindirectly

being

reliable data

doubt that

was

it

during the Culture System period that the saying about the

Dutch growing

and the Javanese

in wealth

hardened into a sociological

By

reality.

in

numbers

the end of

it,

first

the Java-

nese had, as they have today, the worst of two possible worlds: a static

The tistics

economy and

a

burgeoning population.

unreHability (as well as the scarcity) of agricultural sta-

on the peasant

during the nineteenth century, on both

sector

the extent of cultivated land and the production of food crops,

makes an with

way

exact tracing of the

in

which the Javanese coped

deepening demographic dilemma

this

though the stages through which

difficult.

But,

al-

their adaptation ed

have

up only by

frag-

to be described in speculative , shored

mentary and indirect evidence plus some hard reasoning, the

and

over-all nature

comprise what

Unable it

I

direction of that adaptation are clear,

am

going to

to attack the

and

call "agricultural involution."

problem head-on,

let

us attempt to get at

by a circuitous route. Beginning with a picture of the general

when

situation at a later period,

are

more

we can

reliable,

on peasant agriculture

statistics

try, first,

to figure out

how

the situa-

tion characteristic of this later period could have been produced

and then, second, we can

see

whether the scattered

evidence s the notion that

was

it

Such a procedure amounts, ittedly, wards. But

from the

it

to

cent— though

is

much

around it is

in fact so produced.

to

doing history back-

doing history, not deducing logically the past

present. It

of a factually have sunk

is

historical

1

moving from less fully

a

known

result to

an analysis

oudined process which seems

to

percent, in the 1850's to have risen to about 3 per

difficult to tell

irregularities in census-taking.

how much

of such variation stems

from

For a review of the development of popula-

tion surveys in Indonesia, see van de Graaf, 1955, pp. 138-169.

THE COLONIAL PERIOD: FOUNDATIONS have brought the give

it

a

71

result about, in order to clarify that process

more concrete

and

content.

In any case, the striking

set of figures

TABLE

with which

I

want

to

1

The Land, Population, and Rice-Production Characteristics OF THE Sugar Regions of Java in 1920 Percent Percent of land of

Java

Percent

Percent

of wet-rice

of popu-

land of

lation

Java

Java

of

of wet-rice

pro-

duction of

Java

The 37 main sugar regencies

34

46

50

49

15

22

24

24

(47% of the total number of regencies) The 98 main sugar districts

(22% of the total number of districts) The 19 leading sugar 2.6

districts

(4%

4.6

5.2

5.3

of the total

number

of districts)

Same with Percentage as Index

of

Lan d Set

Base


100

131

143

140

100

147

160

160

100

178

204

200

The 98 main sugar districts

The

19 leading sugar

districts

Source: Calculated from data in: Landbouwatlas van Java en Madoera, Mededeelingen van het Centraal Kantoor voor de Statistiek, No. 33, Weltevreden: 1926, Part II, Tables I, III, IV, and V. In Mataram (which in 1920 was organized slightly differently from the rest of Java), Bantul, S16man, and Kalasan have been counted as districts, Mataram itself as a regency.

:

:


72

TABLE

2

Relationships between Wet-rice Production, Sawah Area, Harvested Sawah Area, Per-Hectare Wet-Rice Yields and Population in the Sugar Areas of Java in 1920 (Indexes only, with

all- Java figure set

as base)

Ratio

Ratio

Percent of

Percent of

Percent of

sawah

wet-rice

wet-rice

area

Average per-

produc-

produc-

tion/

tion/

in rice

percent of

percent of

(includes

sawah

popula-

double

area

tion

cropping)

hectare

harvested

yields of

harvested /•

\

*

(in

nee)

sawah


107

98

98

110

109

100

94

115

The 98 main sugar districts

The

19 leading sugar

districts

All-Java (base)

Source: Same as Table

113

98

85

128

100

100

100

100

1.

begin are those of Tables

1

and

2,

which show the character of

the sugar areas of Java set against the population

and

rice-pro-

duction characteristics of the island as a whole in the year that

mark of the Moving from the level of

probably was the high-water Indonesia

— 1920.

colonial

economy

the larger

of

and more

inclusive istrative unit, the regency, to the smaller, constituent unit, the district,

and then

to selected districts, the tables

focus on the sugar areas of Java.^^

The

"thirty-seven

main sugar

regencies" are those in which

there were, in 1920, at least a thousand hectares planted in sugar.

**The order of dency, regency,

than

six districts

territorial istrative units in

district, subdistrict.

On

per regency in 1920.

Java

is:

province,

the average there were slighdy

resiless


74

The

main sugar

"ninety-eight

than 10 percent of their tories for

total

more

are those with

districts"

sawah acreage rented

cane growing in a single year (see

to sugar fac-

Map

5 for their

The shift in criterion here is regrettable, but by the way in which the districts are presented in

distribution).

ne-

cessitated

the

source. In any case, as about 94 percent of estate cane

is

planted on

rented peasant sawahs, the correlation of the two criteria exact:

all

of the

main

districts

lie

is

nearly

within the main regencies.

Finally, the "nineteen leading districts"

are those

among

the

ninety-eight

"main" ones which have 25 percent or more of

sawah

so rented, the highest single percentage being a star-

their

tUng 44 percent. Each of these categories

is

demarcated by sharp

cut-off points, and, therefore, all sugar areas of

any consequence

are included in the table totals. (For Java as a whole, only about 8 percent of her

in these areas

how

sawah was

was very sharp.) Table

the three units

to the

in cane in 1920, so the concentration

amount

2 presents indexes

compare with Java

amount

of rice produced for the

showing

whole with

as a

of

respect

sawah and

population they contain, the percentage of their sawah harvested in rice,

and average per hectare

These

was

figures

in 1920)

Inner

show

yields of the

sawah

so harvested

that within "Inner Indonesia" there

is

.^^

(or

yet another ecological nucleus, a sort of "inner"

Indonesia.

The

sugar

areas

have proportionately:

(1)

more sawah; (2) more population; and (3) even though~lfTofe~-^ of their sawah is occupied by sugar, more rice production than^ **

Harvested area includes double (occasionally even

totals

karta,

may

triple) cropping, so

exceed 100 percent. For example, Banjudono, a

managed

to harvest 147.5 percent of

though 26 percent of high over-all

total is

its

sawah was rented

its

to

unusual for heavy sugar

averaged 90.4 percent for the 98 main

districts

district in Sura-

sawah acreage, even sugar companies! Such a

total

districts,

and

however, which

81.4 percent for the 18

if only sawah planted in rice were considered, virtually would be well over 100 percent. Landbouwatlas, 1926, as in Tables I and II. The 8 percent of Javanese sawahs planted in cane figure is from Huender, 1921, p. 83.

leading ones. But

all

such

districts

FOUNDATIONS


7S

mark-

the nonsugar areas. Further, the relationship strengthens edly, as the sugar areas are

more

by isolation

precisely pinpointed

and

of the cane districts within the sugar regencies generally

the leading cane districts

among

between sugar,

causes, the tie

isunmistakable

:

all

such

all

districts.

three "flourish,"

that

if

Whatever the

and population density

wet-rice,

is

the proper word,

/

/^

jogether.

In Table contradictory

2,

the

main

phenomenon

)^î^^^jêr_Jiectare

which makes

factor

possible

is

revealed: a progressively

sawah productivity. Taking Java-wide

ages as a base, yields can be seen to rise as one

moves

intensely planted sugar areas, a rise which, especially

bined with the concurrent (but slower) sates for the loss of rice

the

more moderate

area.

The

Two

seemingly

this

rise in

to

is:

possibilities suggest

why

when com-vfc

sawah, compen-

the higher yields?

Qf(;^K.

themselves: (1) sugar tended to be

planted in the best rice areas; (2) rice cultivation was more ciently

pursued

were operative. Given the ecologically

specialized,

"aquarium"

difficult to distinguish

sharply

fertility is so closely tied to level

of tech-

nature of wet-rice growing,

between them because

effi-

Both of these factors certainly

in the sugar areas.

it

is

nique rather than merely reflecting natural conditions; the best rice areas are naturally the

As

better-worked areas, and vice versa.

already explained, the ecological requirements for cane and

rice (i.e.,

are similar, therefore sugar gravitated to the

most

fertile

the best-irrigated) sawahs and, by financing water-control

facilities,

This

the companies

improved and expanded such

thesis that sugar cultivation

mutualistic plantation cultivations)

(and

areas.

to a lesser extent other

was an

operative, not merely

an accidental or derivative, link between high density, high "sawah-ization," and high productivity

is

strengthened by the

following argument. First, though on the whole sugar districts

tended to be dense (and the densest

districts

/

/^ X

more .\^ Vjr

production per total sawah

rise in wet-rice

jA

aver-^^jV^f^

land to cane. This, in turn, brings about

question, then,

>

tended to be sugar

^ \r


76

districts),

not

dense

all

ond, though sugar

not

all

of the

districts

rice districts

were

rice districts,

cane

also

dis-

had continued to expand, would eventually have become so).^^ Third,

the sugar industry

if

perhaps nearly

also sugar districts.^^ Sec-

tended to be productive

most productive

(though

tricts

were

districts

all

a similar proposition holds for percentage of total arable land irrigated.^^ Fourth,

and

sugar

finally, if

then elimi-

districts are

nated from consideration, the close correlation between hectare wet-rice yields, population density, arable land

which

and percentage of

irrigated disappears or at least

is

per-

is

noticeably

weakened. As Kuperus has shown, for the universe of nonsugar

(what he

districts

the indigenous sphere") the

calls "districts in

highest-yield districts are not those with the densest population,

*°

Excluding the heavy urban concentrations (Djakarta, Bandung, Sura-

Semarang, and Surabaja), of the 27

karta, Jogjakarta,

which had

districts

more than 700 persons per square kilometer in 1920, 20 were "main" sugar districts; of the 78 which had more than 500, 49 were "main" sugar districts. **

Landbouwatlas, Vol.

Of

II,

'Text and Tables," Table

which

the 77 districts in

rice yields

above the Java-wide average, 38 were "main" sugar

Landbouwatlas, Table

III.

The bulk

of

Of

districts,

39 were not.

the latter were, however, con-

tiguous to sugar districts and so w-ere subject to ences.

I.

were more than 20 percent

some

of the

same

influ-

the 121 districts with yields 20 percent below the Java average,

only three were "main" sugar

districts,

and they were

just barely

below

the line. *^

For the 37 main sugar regencies, the percentage of

which was

was about

irrigated

19 leading districts, 64; for the index problem districts,

little

have what

all

Java, 45.

total cultivated

main sugar

west Java, without

much

many

Actually,

developed

land of any

cultivated

they do have in sawah, while others, especially in

little

If

I.

less

they do have in dry

an aggregate

fields, so that

distribution by percent of land irrigated gives a misleading

prehensible picture.

land

districts 56, for the

Landbouwatlas, Table

complicated here by the fact that

especially in

kind have what east Java,

is

50, for the 98

one could group

and incom-

villages into subtypes according to

general level of agricultural development and then compare within subtypes, the picture

in a nonarbitrary

would be

way on

clear

and systematic; but

this

is

the basis of the Landbouwatlas data.

difficult to

do

THE COLONIAL PERIOD: FOUNDATIONS sawah proportions are not the

those with the highest those with the highest

^gar

Evidently,

77

densest, nor

sawah proportions the 'most productive.^^ through

cultivation,

its

improvement of

local

when

ecological conditions for rice, binds those three together

they are found together, and pushed

all

of

them

higher

to the

than average levels shown above.^^

But without more

effective cultivation

methods the Javanese

could hardly have taken advantage of these better as there

was

no variation

from one part of the

agriculture irrigation

virtually

works,

this

from

derived

cultivation

almost entirely from a greater intensification of labor sification

sawah

island to another, aside

greater efficiency in

And

facilities.

in capital inputs in

—an

inten-

made both possible and necessary by the increasing The practices have already been mentioned pre-

—

population.

germination, transplanting, more thorough land preparation, tidious

fas-

planting and weeding, razor-blade harvesting, double-

cropping, a

more

and the

exact regulation of terrace-flooding,

"'Kuperus, 1930.

"Kuperus, who due not

concerned to show that Java's failure to progress

is

deny

since classical times, has tried to irrigation methods,

Javanese culture

The to

.

.

.

between

the

rice yields,

Western

for sugar areas as well.

("The

since the fall of Madjapahit has been a fellah-culture.

now

only to hang on

cultural resources they once had. Javanese culture has stagnated

and the problem of population pressure to

a link

and population density

Javanese people have had their culture and try

what

is

impact but to internal stagnation of Javanese "culture"

to colonial

ancient

times

than

the

to

is

past

therefore

more

one hundred

closely connected

years

peanization.") Kuperus, 1930, and 1938. But as this conclusion

of is

Euro-

based on

the study of three closely grouped districts in the Tjireborn-Pekalongan

northcoast plain, two of which happen to be the sugar districts, the

argument

whole universe of sugar

is

districts

among

the least productive of

unconvincing. Only

when one

takes the

does the relative importance of various

determinants and their interactions emerge. By selecting an area in which, evidently for local ecological reasons (abundance of water together with distance

from sources of volcanic

fertilization), expansion of percentage of

land in sawah has played a greater role than increasing yields, Kuperus got a reversed picture of their general relationship.


7S

more

addition of

fields at the

edges of volcanoes.^^^/The concen-

trative, inflatable quality of

sawah,

was an almost

ecological, not a social, sense)

plement it

ideal (in

an

to capital-intensive

its

labor-absorbing capacity,

enabled the densest regions of Java to keep pace (at

least until

whokT^

1920) with the per-capita output of rice of the island as_ a

The

com-

sugar-growing. As Table 2 shows,

process resembles nothing else so

much

as 'treading_ water.37

Higher-level densities are offset by greater labor inputs into the

same productive system, but output per head mains more or ever,

less

of view, the important questions

What

treading been going on?

And

in this respect,

cance:

From are: how

had

how-

long has this water-

What

sustained it?

isolated facts take

overcrowding begins

to

on

signifi-

be reported from

Java as early as the beginning of the nineteenth century, the island

re-

the diachronic point

set it oflf?

two otherwise

that local

first,

mouth)

constant from region to region. This,

only the synchronic picture.

is

(or per

when

Thailand today ;^^

a density about like that of

second, that, with the exception of a disproportionate expansion in the Brantas basin,

ments carried out tion in 1860,

same

as

and

was

it

due mainly

to large-scale irrigation

improve-

in the 1890's, the distribution of sugar cultivafor the

in 1920,

most part even in

though only about a

1833,

sixth as

was about the

much

acreage

was involved.^^ *°

Though

they tend to increase labor intensification, such procedures as

double-cropping or pushing terraces up mountainsides do not, of course, increase per-harvested-hectare yields, but

necessarily

mainly by increasing harvested

"Boeke, of Java

is

1953, pp. 166-167. In 1817 Raffles remarks that "the population

very unequally distributed," and that the bulk of the rice pro-

duction comes from about one-eighth of the island. 119.

On

increase production

area.

the basis of colonial reports

Raffles, 1830,

I,

Kuperus (1930) estimates a

68, 71,

nutri-

tional density for 1827 Java of .35 ha. cultivated land per capita. In the

"mid-1950's" Burma's nutritional density was about

Malaya's Statistical

.31,

.44,

Thailand's

.38,

the Philippines' .27 (Java, 1956, .15). Ginsburg, 1961, p. 46;

Pocketbook of Indonesia, 1957,

•"Burger, 1939,

p. 132.

p. 46.

FOUNDATIONS


These fragments suggest that the ever-more

energetic, region-

uneven process of water-treading which led

ally

79

to the

swollen

population and intensely driven rice terraces of 1920 and later

went on 1850 on

From

during the whole of the past century.

steadily

some reasonably

there are even

reliable figures to sup-

port this view: the per-capita production of rice between 1850

and

when

1900,

population was mounting as rapidly as

ably ever has in Java,

is

it

prob-

given as averaging about 106 kilograms,

with no clear trend in any direction: 1850, 106; 1865, 97 (the low) 1885, 119 (the high); 1895, 105; 1900, 98,

and

;

so on.'^ After the

turn of the century the 1900-1940 average declined to about 96.^* But, as

we

shall see,

begun

crops had

by then the expanded cultivation of dry

to take

probably remained

at

up the

slack

and

total per-capita

about the nineteenth-century

output

level.

In a

general review of the problem, HoUinger has written: "Taking all

we

the historical evidence available into consideration,

i

con-

clude that per capita food consumption has been maintained

through the period of rapid population increase, but risen

above a minimal

the whole picture

pansion."

The

up

level."/^^

has never

it

summed

Less circumspect, Boeke

in a 'single,

mordant phrase:

"static ex-

^^

superimposition of sugar cultivation on the already un-

equal distribution of sawah and population over Java

left

the

Javanese peasantry with essentially a single choice in coping with their rising

numbers: driving

their terraces,

agricultural resources, harder by

There was no returns

from

in fact

industrial sector into

which

to

move

P.

The maintenance

A. Scheltema, 1936, Table

of the level after about 1880

been due not only to increasing yields but possible by

expanded

and eastern

parts of the island.

new

alj^

keep the

11.10, in

" Hollinger,

Hol-

seems to have

terrace construction

made

irrigation systems, particularly in the northwestern

"Hollinger, 1953b.

"Boeke,

their

carefully.

and, as the

cultivation went, in Furnivall's words, to

"Table quoted from A. M. linger, 1953b.

and

working them more

1953a. See also,

1953, p. 174.

Wertheim and The Siauw Giap,

1962.

,

7


80

Netherlands from becoming another Portugal, none was developed.^^ CofFee-growing;

was

almost wholly a forced-labor

still

occupation and no real substitute for subsistence cultivation; and

same was

the

The

true of the other Culture System crops.

become part of the

nese could not themselves

and they could not transform

Java-

economy,

estate

their general pattern of already

intensive farming in an extensive direction, for they lacked capital,

had no way

shuck

to

which were

called "waste lands"

and were is-

off excess labor,

from the bulk of

tratively ^barred

own

their

frontier,

up with

filling

coffee trees.

more and

Slowly, steadily, relentlessly, they were forced into a

more

sawah pattern of the

labor-stuffed

the 1920 figures

sort

show: tremendous populations absorbed on minuscule

where sugar

particularly in areas irrigation;

the

consequent

assistance

rice

cultivation led to

rises in per-hectare productivity;

1900 of an

about

after

the so-

farms,

improved and, with

expansion in dry-crop

cultivation, a probably largely stable, or very gradually rising,

standard of living. Wet-rice cultivation, with ability to

maintain

ways managing fall

to

work one more man

in per-capita income,

additional population that indirectly. It

proposed to I

is

its

extraordinary

marginal labor productivity by

levels of

al-

in without a serious

soaked up almost the whole of the

Western intrusion

created,^^ at least

this ultimately self-defeating process that I

call "agricultural

have

involution."

take the concept of "involution" from the

pologist Alexander Goldenweiser,

who

devised

American anthroit

to describe those

^'Furnivall, 1944, p. 151.

"

what the

Just

century were

is

factors

producing the population

rise in the

nineteenth

not quite so clear as the usual references to the removal of

Malthus' positive checks would

make

it

seem. Improved hygiene could

hardly have played a major role until fairly

late.

much

The Pax Nederlandica many people

had perhaps more

effect,

had been

wars in the precolonial period but because the attendant

killed in

but probably not so

because so

destruction of crops ceased. Probably most important, and least discussed,

was the expansion failures

of the transport

from turning

into famines.

network which prevented

local

crop


what would seem

culture patterns which, after having reached to be a definitive form,

nonetheless

new

transform themselves into a

81

either to stabilize or

fail

pattern but rather continue to

develop by becoming internally more complicated:

The

application of the pattern concept to a cultural feature in the

process

development

of

... a way The primary

provides

peculiarity of primitive cultures.

...

check development, or

to

pattern form

is

the pattern.

.

But there are

frame

sets a limit, a if

.

.

.

.

it.

one

explaining

of pattern

effect

at least to limit

reached further change

.

of

As soon

is

as the

inhibited by the tenacity of

is

where pattern merely

also instances

within which further change

is

permitted

not invited. Take, for instance, the decorative art of the Maori,

distinguished

which the

by

complexity,

its

elaborateness,

entire decorated object

is

analysis the unit elements of the design are

some

ber; in

The

What we have

spatial

to be

here

is

is

few

complication,

monotony. This

within

provided by what basic

is

forms of

a

pattern plus continued development.

variety

The

within

involution.

is

A

parallel

a

is

virtuosity

instance

...

is

art

have reached

finality, the structural features

hemmed

in

on

all

is

sides

exhausted.

Still,

by a crystallized

takes the function of elaborateness. Expansive creativeness

having dried up place,

not

called ornateness in art, as in the late Gothic.

development goes on. Being it

is

it

inevitable result

uniformity,

are fixed beyond variation, inventive originality

pattern,

num-

brought about

pattern precludes the use of another unit or units, but

progressive

in

to

On

arrangements of one and the same

inimical to play within the unit or units.

The

found

instances, in fact, the complex design

through a multiplicity of unit.

and the extent

pervaded by the decoration.

sort

of

kind of virtuosity takes

at the source, a special

technical

hairsplitting.

.

.

.

Anyone

its

familiar with

primitive cultures will think of similar instances in other cultural

domains.^^

From

the point of view of general theory, there

is

much

mis-

placed concreteness in this formulation; but for our purposes

**'

Golden weiser,

strates,

process.

however,

1936.

As

there

is

his

own

nothing

reference to late Gothic art particularly

"primitive"

demon-

about

this


82

we want

only the analytic concept

—that

an established form in such a way that an inward overelaboration of

ism in which I

The

detail

of the overdriving of

becomes rigid through

—not the hazy

cultural vital-

here embedded.

is

it

it

general earmarks of involution that Goldenweiser

for aesthetic

phenomena

sawah system

after

lists

characterized the development of the

about the middle of the nineteenth century:

increasing tenacity of basic pattern;

elaboration

and

ornateness; technical hairsplitting, and unending virtuosity.

And

this "late

internal

Gothic" quality of agriculture increasingly pervaded

the whole rural economy: tenure systems

grew more

intricate;

tenancy relationships more complicated; cooperative labor

rangements more complex

—

all

with some niche, however small, in the over-all system. original establishment of terraces in Java's galleries

was but

adaptation,

pany saw

a preliminary sketch of the wet-rice

and the time of the Javanese

and of

states

If the

interior river

little

mode of the Com-

soHd compositional substance, the Cul-

a filling in of

System period brought an overornamentation,

ture

and organizational

a

Gothic

But what

elaboration

of

makes

development tragic rather than merely decadent

this

technical

that

around 1830 the Javanese (and,

omy

could have

less

this

made

experience, with is

colonial

so,

however,

ar-

in an effort to provide everyone

detail.

is

thus, the Indonesian) econ-

the transition to modernism, never a pain-

more it

ease than

is

it

can do today.

device for exploiting the archipelago,

Plantation System, for

it is

To

see

how

necessary to look at the last major

under

its

aegis that

the all

Corporate

the

immobi-

I

:

\

lizing processes

which the Culture System

pelled settled into their definitive form.

so powerfully pro-

COLONIAL PERIOD; FLORESCENCE

5. THE

The Corporate Plantation System

The

rapid mechanization o£ sugar-milling in the second

half of the nineteenth century steadily

made

obsolete the Culture

System, based on the substitution of (Javanese) labor for (Dutch) capital. tical

With such

substitution rendered progressively less prac-

by technological advance,

became lating

less a

the

effective

colonial

relationship

between the highly capitalized sugar

"factory," or other crop-processing enterprises, village to

To

management

matter of mobilization of labor and more of regu-

which

it

was symbiotically

and the peasant

tied.^

Dutch introduced, in 1870, the Agrarian Land Law. Together with various ancillary enactments, this statute made it possible to transfer direct responsibility for inthis

end, the

suring Java's profitability to private enterprises while prevent-

ing such enterprises from destroying the village economy upon

which

that profitability depended. In

it,

the convenient notion,

current since the Raffles interregnum at the beginning of the ^

It

came

must be ed, however, steadily

more

capital intensive,

it

that although sugar production be-

continued to use large quantities of

unskilled seasonal labor on the cultivation side of

its

operations.

THE COLONIAL PERIOD: FLORESCENCE

84

century, that

uncultivated "waste land"

all

property was for the sible

first

time

titles

making

pos-

it

concerns to lease such land on a

for private plantation

from Batavia and

regularized, long-term contractual basis

such legal

inalienable state

is

officially codified,

to use

for the purposes of obtaining credit. Further,

the prohibition of outright alienation of peasant land to foreigners

embodied

Javanese customary law was given formal legal

in

backing by the government, permitting the systematization of rules

and regulations

for a similar long-term leasing of

plantation companies for commercial use by holders.

At

the

base,

its

it

to

millions of small-

which inaugurates the Corporate

law,

Plantation period in East Indian economic history, represents one

more

effort to

superimpose commercial economy upon

ence economy in such a

way

subsist-

and

as to stimulate the first

tran-

quiUze the second.

The immediate

were the

beneficiaries of this legal innovation

individual private Netherlands East Indies planters

who had

been created by the workings of the Culture System they professed to

despise.

This was particularly true in sugar, where

privately planted cane

made up about

9 percent of the total in

1870 and about 97 percent two decades in cofifee, tobacco,

and even

sion of the middle eighties (coffee prices

by even more),^ coffee

assisted

though enterprise

fell

by

But the depres-

half,

sugar prices

by the onset of crop diseases in both

and sugar, wrecked the

the Indies beyond repair. lative

later,

rice also appeared.^

The

elements in the Indies

jerry-built financial structure of self-styled "pioneers

itself,"

whom

[and] specu-

Reinsma

celebrates,

were consequently driven into the now waiting arms of scale

Dutch

finance,

multi-enterprise,

and they soon disappeared

limited-liability

the motherland, or, in

some

large-

into enormous,

corporations rooted firmly in

cases, in other

The Amsterdam and Rotterdam merchants

European of great

countries. traffic

did

not create, as they later came to claim, the Netherlands East 'Burger, 1939,

p. 177.

'Furnivall, 1944,p. 196.

THE COLONIAL PERIOD: FLORESCENCE Indies estate economy.

—and rather cheaply, production — at auction.

They bought

sidering the social costs of

its

85

it

con-

By \900 the reorganization was well underway and the replacement of state mercantilism by corporate nearly complete. The Nederlandsche Handel Maatschappij (NHM), established as an imperial shipping

company by William

I

in 1824 to prevent the

English merchant marine from dominating the Far East and,

when

that effort failed, to carry Culture

land, transformed itself firm, half

bank and

half planter.

part, sixteen sugar factories,

two

System products

from crown's agent

By 1915

and had

to private

it

By

the

same

(HVA), founded and managed one

year, the

in

whole or

and fourteen rubber

Handels Vereeningen Amsterdam sugar estates

as late as 1878, controlled fourteen

tapioca,

Hol-

effective control over twenty-

others, plus fourteen tobacco, twelve tea

estates.*

owned,

to

investment

one combined coffee-rubber and two

fiber (sisal) plantations.^ In the principalities, the

dozens of inde-

pendent planters of the Culture System period collapsed into the Cultuur Maatschappij der Vorstenlanden, which had twenty sugar enterprises by 1913, plus three in coffee,

one in tobacco and one

in tea. After the introduction of tobacco into northeast in 1864, the Deli Maatschappij flourished

and eventually spread

and

interests into rubber, oilpalm, sisal, tea

its

Backed by a network of banks

—the

cofifee.^

Java Bank, the Neder-

lands-Indische Handelsbank, and others, as well as concerns, such as the Chartered fied plantation

Bank

Indonesia, built railroads and

it

parts

of Outer

irrigation works, set

improve

yields,

and

up

in gen-

comprehensive agro-industrial structure probably

for complexity, efficiency,

and

*

Encyclopedic van Nederlandsche-Indie,

II,

53.

"

Encyclopedic van Ncdcrlandsche-Indic,

II,

53.

'Encyclopedic van Nederlandsche-Indie, 1957, pp. 97-99.

some foreign

corporations diversi-

restricted

to

modern

agricultural experimental stations to

unmatched

—the

production beyond the staple sugar and cofFee of

the nineteenth century, spread

eral created a

Sumatra

II,

scale

anywhere

53; Allen

in the

and Donnithorne,


86

By

world.

1938 there were 2,400 estates in Indonesia, equally

divided between Java and the Outer Islands, occupying about

two and

a half million hectares and_controlled for the

most part

by a few large and, "under a coordinating superstructure"~of

and

large syndicates

But for

interlocked companies^

cartels,"

the structural changes within the

all

Dutch

side of

dual economy which this transition to large-scale corporate ac-

brought about,

tivity

any

it

seems unHkely that the peasants noticed perhaps that the pressure exerted on

essential difference, save

them was

when

the

nesians

better organized. Indeed, even after the revolution,

Dutch presence had

about evaporated, older Indo-

just

tended to refer to the whole prewar complex of

still

colonial institutions, political

and economic

"The Commuch behind change maxim

alike, as

pany." Nor, from their point of view, were they so the times as

has held,

it

it

might appear.

was with

and Javanese

rice

If

ever the plus ga

respect to the meeting of

Dutch merchant

peasant in Indonesia.

Sugar, which remained Indonesia's most important export crop until the thirties, continued rice in

its

mutualistic relationship with wet

but slightly changed guise.

on peasant land by government tracts suitable for

a

r

it

were

scarce,

As cane was no longer grown

fiat

and

now

large-scale "waste-land"

that Java

complex land-rent system was developed

sawah.

A

leaders

and

an

village,

was

so

crowded,

to obtain the use of^

sometimes wiUingly, sometimes coerced by

local civil servants, contracted a 215/2-year lease

its

with

The estate then planted one-third of the village sawah The cane occupied these fields for about fifteen months;

estate.

in cane.

'Van de Koppel,

1946.

Only about

the land controlled by the estates tailed history of the

1.2

was

million hectares or 47 percent of

A

actually planted.

development of corporate enterprise

systematic, de-

in the

Netherlands

Indies remains to be written; but a general, rather routine, survey can be

found

in Allen

literally

and Donnithorne,

bird's-eye

1957, esp. chapter x, pp. 181-199. For a

view of corporation Java around 1927, plus a certain

amount of unsystematized data on the various companies, The internal quotation is from Wertheim, 1956, p. 99.

see

de Vries,

n.d.

THE COLONIAL PERIOD: FLORESCENCE months the land was returned

after eighteen

^7 and

to the holders

another third of the village's land was taken for sugar, and so

on around the

cycle. But, as the

new cane

planting usually took

was harvested, any

place before

the old one

was

in sugar

about a half rather than a third of the time; or to

put

it

field

aggregatively, an average of about one-half the village's

now

land,

particular

now

one-third,

peasant crops

—either

soya or peanuts.

rice,

One

two-thirds,

was

in sugar, /and half in

or dry-season second crops such as

and

entire cycle therefore took three years,

seven such cycles could be completed during a single leasehold.

The model example clarify this

of such a cycle

shown

Table 3 should

in

only superficially complicated system, which in

of formal aesthetics,

if

nothing

else,

must have appealed

to the

numerologically inclined Javanese.

The product

complex and intimate interlocking of the

of this

rigorous cultivation rhythms of large-scale corporate agriculture

and the more

pliable ones of traditional

an odd centauric

social unit

tion nor yet a peasant

The

them.

community, but

centaur's head

household farming was

which was neither

was the

mill.

a proper planta-

different

from

either of

This heavily capitalized

factory in the field (average outstanding investment in a single

sugar enterprise seems to have run in the neighborhood of a million dollars during the thirties) with

driven

crushers,

cookers,

filters,

was run by

a

centrifuges,

its

walls,

whom

year.®

the mill

The

drew not

centaur's

bea

body was the peasantry, but for the casual, to clear fields,

sugar-milling technology, see Koningsberger, 1946.

The investment

is

it

based broadly on calculations with the very rough data given

Appendix

II

of Allen

and Donnithorne, 1957, pp. 288-299, from which

source the estimates of European staff and hectarage per mill also (p. 84).

men

needed

estimate in

twenty

bungalows huddled

just for land,

seasonally extremely variable labor force

*On

and vacuum

staff of

and processed the cane production of about

thousand hectares a

upon

steam- or electric-

evaporators,

European managerial

or so, settled with their families in neat side

its

come


88

TABLE A

3

Typical Cropping Cycle for Sawah Land Leased TO Sugar Companies in Java after 1900 2d third sawahs

1st third

of

sawahs

3d third sawahs

of

of

East monsoon (dry season)

year

newly planted

harvestable

cane

cane

1

dry crops

West monsoon (wet season) year

growing cane

wet

wet

rice

rice

1

East monsoon

newly planted

harvestable

dry crops

cane

year 2

cane

West monsoon wet

year 2

wet

rice

growing cane

rice

East monsoon dry crops

year 3

newly planted

harvestable

cane

cane

West monsoon wet

year 3

growing cane

rice

wet

rice

East monsoon the same as in the east

year 4

monsoon

in year 1

Source: After Koningsberger, V. J., "De Europese Suikerrietcultuur en Suikerfabricatie," in van Hall, C. and C. van de Koppel, De Landbouw in De Indische Archipel, s'Gravenhage: van Hoeve, Part II A, p. 326. dig trenches, plant, harvest, carry cane to the mills, and perform countless other occasional tasks connected with the industry.

By

1930, sugar concerns

were employing more than 800,000 Javanese

—men,

children

women, and

year; or, as there

—

at

were some 180

one point or another during a factories,

an average of 4,000-

— THE COLONIAL PERIOD: FLORESCENCE

89

5,000 per mill.^ Clearly, not all the "indirect-rule," "native-welfare,"

"East-is-East-and-West-is-West"

colonial

the

in

policies

world could keep an encounter with big business of these mensions from having a profound

was

the leasing arrangement

and

less

annuals

effect

on

also applied, in

rural

di-

And,

life.

as

somewhat varying

penetrating forms, to the commercial cultivation of other

—tobacco,

cassava, agave, even rice

some degree, over

—the

effect spread, to

a fair part of the countryside/^

Kolff has said, in Java the clash of cultures

came

As van der in the

form

of a clash of cultivations.^^

Even more

peculiarly distinctive of the Javanese situation

for the clash of cultivations has, after

with perhaps even greater violence

occurred elsewhere, and

all,

—

the fact that this clash

is

took place largely within the context of a well-established, fully crystallized

village

social

system, which though squeezed, de-

formed, and enervated was not destroyed by

it.

The

sugar-lease

system and, to a lesser extent, the similar practices connected

with other crops, did not

isolate the disequilibrating forces of

commercial capitalism from village following the path the

life;

Company and

blazed, into the very heart of

it.

they introduced them,

the Culture System

had

Unlike, say, in Jamaica, the

sugar industry in Java was not built up on the basis of imported slaves lacking peasant traditions. Unlike, say, in Puerto Rico,

it

did not forcibly marshal an embryonic peasantry onto enclave plantations

and degrade

landless labor

force.^^

it

into a fully proletarianized, essentially

The

Javanese cane worker remained a

peasant at the same time that he became a coolie, persisted as a

community-oriented household farmer

became an terrace "

industrial

and the other

wage

laborer.

in the mill.

at the

He

And,

" Van der Kolff,

"Mintz,

1951.

1953.

had one

p. 141.

that he

foot in the rice

in order for

Allen and Donnithorne, 1957; Boeke, 1953,

*°Boeke, 1953,p.91.

same time

him

to

main-

a


90

and uncomfortable

tain this precarious estate

stance, not only did the

have to adapt to the village through the land-lease system

and various other "native-protection" devices forced on "ethical" colonial

the village

had

The mode pattern

of

adapt to the

to

of

it

by an

government, but, even more comprehensively, estate.

adaptation was again involutional.

its

village

The

basic

was maintained, in some ways even

life

strengthened, and the adjustment to the impingements of high capitalism effected through the complication of established insti-

and

tutions

work

practices. In land tenure, in crop regime, in

organization, and in the

less directly

"hemmed

structure as well, the village, crystallized pattern"

economic aspects of

(to quote

on

in

all

social

by a

sides

Goldenweiser again), faced the

problems posed by a rising population, increased monetization, greater dependence

on the market, mass labor organization, more

intimate with bureaucratic government and the like, not

by a dissolution of the traditional pattern into an individualistic "rural proletarian" anomie, nor yet by a metamorphosis of

into a

it

modern commercial farming community. Rather, by means

of

"a special kind of virtuosity," "a sort of technical hairsplitting," it

maintained the over-all outlines of that pattern while driving

the elements of

which

it

was composed

to ever-higher degrees of

ornate elaboration and Gothic intricacy. Unable either to stabilize

had autochthonously achieved

the equilibrated wet-rice system

it

before 1830, or yet to achieve a

modern form

on, say, the Japa-

nese model, the twentieth-century lowland Javanese village

turalists,

referred

The rural looks.

—

sprawling community of desperately marginal agricul-

great,

petty traders, to,

and day laborers

perhaps only be

rather lamely, as "post-traditional."

durability of the basic

economy

On

—can

is

framework of the

apparent no matter

the side of land tenure,

at

post-traditional

which aspect of

the

so-called

ownership" systems under which the village

it

one

"communal

as a corporate

body

exercises various kinds of residual rights of control over fields

seem

actually to

have been strengthened,

at least in relative »

THE COLONIAL PERIOD: FLORESCENCE The need on

in the sugar-area villages.^^ ple, flexible,

the mill's side for a sim-

and comprehensive land-owning unit within which

cane cultivation couid to the next,

91

move

from one block

freely

of terraces

unobstructed by a cloud of separate, individualized

land rights, and the need on the villagers' side for a reasonably

community of the burdens immoved from field to field, made the collective apportionment procedures of traditional communal tenure functional to both parties. With such devices, the mill equitable sharing throughout the

posed by the system as

so

it

could treat with the village as a whole through the agency of

hean and plan enough

to

its

be economic.

could insure

—by

division of plots

And

means

among

with the same devices, the village

and

of a periodic rotation

either

three crop-sequence subareas its

re-

qualified families or of a carefully ad-

justed scattering of the plots allotted such families through

of

its

regime in of ecological units large

—that

at

"landowners" would be entirely deprived of

pre-emption by the mills. In

all

any point in the cycle none

brief,

communal

fields

due

to

tenure allowed

the mills to operate in of a large-field system appropriate to plantation sugar and, simultaneously, the village to operate

in of the small-field system appropriate to

sawah

rice.

In this through-the-looking-glass world, even a major technical

innovation in village agriculture

annual food crops to

dampen

strengthen

"Van

structural it.

—the

emergence of unirrigated,

as true staples alongside

With

paddy

—acted

more

change in the rural economy than

to

the exception of soya beans (and, of course.

der Kolff, 1929; van Gelderen, 1929.

Van

der Kolff, in

fact, traces

the origins of this whole process, too, back into the Culture System period

when,

grown

"if

the indigo

in rotation

and sugar crops were

on different

supervision and irrigation, of land,

it

was

to the

it

sites,

and

was much

to be a success they

since,

had

to be

from the point of view of

easier to deal

with compact blocks

advantage of the government to regulate matters

with a powerful village council rather than with individual landowners" (van der Kolff, 1929,

p. 111).

For

a general survey of traditional Javanese

tenure systems, see Vollenhoven, 1906, pp. 604-634. For a cussion, see van der Kroef, 1960.

more

recent dis-


92

unirrigated rice)

portant in Java

all

the dry-field annuals which are today im-

—maize,

cassava, sweet potatoes, peanuts

—were

introduced subsequent to European , and their penetration the by then

into

sawah ecosystem was very

long-established

gradual. In 1817, Raffles speaks of a recent increase in maize-

growing on previously uncultivated

poor-soil hill ranges "in the

more populous

where the sawahs do not

parts

of

Java

.

.

.

afford a sufficient supply of rice," but other dry-field crops to be of

seem

but marginal importance.^* Cassava began to spread

over some

less fertile areas in

Bantam, Djapara, Semarang, and

the Priangan after the experimental station in Buitenzorg im-

ported shoots from Surinam in 1852, but it

fact,

not until the 1885 depression,

promoted crops

it is

only in this century

has become an important diet item generally .^^

that

when

It

was, in

colonial officials actively

their use to increase native food production, that such

—called

collectively palawidja

in the peasant economy.-^^

By

—began

the

first

to play a vital role

decade of

this

century

they had become a fully integral part of village agriculture,

both as east-monsoon second crops or sawahs and in crop-andfallow dry

fields, called tegal.

are scarce, contradictory,

and

least a global picture of the

The

necessity of using

Agricultural

statistics

before 1915

Table 4 gives

unreliable, but

at

nature and magnitude of the change.

incommensurate time periods and

vari-

ant classifications introduces a degree of uncertainty into the interpretation of this table

mere

beyond that which stems from the

insubstantiality of the data

that there

was

upon which

a burst of palawidja cultivation

it

is

based. But

around the turn

"Raffles, 1830,1,134-137. ^'^Koens,

1946.

This was not the very

archipelago; Rumphius, "the blind seer of the seventeenth century

'"De Vries, quoted

first

entry of cassava into the

Ambon,"

reports

it

as early as

from the Moluccas.

in Burger, 1939, p. 232.

Scheltema (1930) quotes a

Koloniaal Verslag for 1889 which claims that planted rice area increased

about 8 percent over the 1817-1878 decade and that of palawidja by 24 percent, almost the

form

whole (23 percent) of the

of second-crop planting

on sawahs!

latter increase

coming

in the

THE COLONIAL PERIOD: FLORESCENCE TABLE

93

4

The Growth of Dry-Crop Cultivation

in Java

Estimated percent increase in amount of cultivated land in Java and Madura

sawah 1888-19001 1900-19151

1916-1928 1928-1938

tegal

24 150 26 5

8 16 10 3

Estimated percent increase in harvested area

wet

palawidja^

rice

1888-19041 1903-1920

15*

1916-1928 1928-1938

13 19

32'

7

Estimated percent of

191 81 16 rice

and nonrice crops

in harvested area (peasant sector only)

1888 1910 1920 1938

rice"*

nonrice

65 68

35 42 49 55

51

45

1 Excludes the principalities and the particuliere landerijen. Were these included, the figures would probably be very slightly lower. 2 Includes, in conflict with Javanese usage but in harmony with eco-

logical reality, uniirigated rice {gaga). Relatively little

in

Java

in

any

dry

rice is

grown

case.

1888-1903. 1904-1920. ^ Includes unirrigated rice, as breakdown not given in 1910 figures. Sources: Scheltema, A. M. P. A., "De Sawahoccupatie op Java en Madoerain 1928 en 1888," Korte Mededeelingen van het Centraal Kantoor voor de Statistiek, Buitenzorg, 1930. Huender, W., Overzicht van den Economischen Toestand der Inheemsche Bevolking van Java en Madoera,. s'Gravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff, 1921, pp. 35-37. Van Ha'l, C. J. J. Intûlindo, De Inheemsche Landbouw, Deventer: Van Hoeve, n.d., pp. 216-217. Cabaton, A., Java, Sumatra, and the Other Islands of the Dutch East Indies, New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1911, p. 213. Statistical Pock(.t'->ook of Indonesia, 1957, Djakarta: Biro Pusat Statistik, pp. 47-48. 3 *


94

beyond doubt. The

of the century

is

ment seems

have been one of a slow expansion of such plant-

ing,

to

over-all pattern of develop-

using nearby unirrigable land in a nonintensive, merely

supplementary fashion, up to the end of the Culture System period; the penetration of in the

form

development

it

into

the

of the second-crop regime

—from

sawah complex proper

—ecologically, the

about 1870 to 1900; and then a

intensive expansion of tegal clearing as virtually

maining

cultivable land of the island

Sawah expanded

plow.

large-scale irrigation

decisive

final,

all

more

of the re-

was brought under the

too during this period, as a result of

improvements, particularly along the north-

west coast and in the Brantas-Solo delta; and the release by the sugar mills of more than three-quarters of their rented after the 1930 crash permitted a last-gasp

cropped both in wet

was firmly

now

is

clearly the

Asian lowland

rice

monsoon regime

that the dry

But the

established, in palawidja as well.

cant change east

and,

rice

movement away from

monoculture toward a

cation unique for the region.

By

fields

expansion of the area

really signifi-

a typical South-

level of diversifi-

the mid-thirties the percentage

of total peasant cropped land in rice in Java was, as the table indicates,

in

about 45; in Thailand

Burma and

it

was

—that

90, in Indochina, 85,

and

about what

it

had

striking about this development

is

not

the Philippines, 65

just

is,

been in Java in 1888.'^ Yet, as noted,

how much it life, but how less,

what

is

affected the general pattern of village Httle.

economic

Agricultural revolutions have been built on

but in Java thorough-going diversification of traditional

monoculture led only

to the extension of the already far-advanced

involutional process.

The

penetration of maize, soyabeans, peanuts, and other crops

into the

sawah ecosystem did not change

Poured into

made

it

possible to drive a terrace just that

" Wickizer and 1930.

its

essential structure.

a rice mold, these crops merely reinforced

Bennett, 1941, p. 31;

much

Thompson,

it.

They

harder, to keep

1946, p. 295; Scheltemî,


95

pace with a rising population and, in the sugar areas, with the increasing external pre-emption of village lands, by increasing labor inputs into an already hyperintensive productive system.

Thus, the

all-Java ratio of harvested wet-rice acreage

sawah acreage remained

1928 at just about 1:1, increases in decreases in others

But the

—mainly,

as

some regions being

during the west monsoon for paddy)

acreage rose about 25 percent from about .33:1 to gains again coming, the special cases of arid fertile

Rembang

result of the

that

of

the

main

Madura and

every other technological innovation

productivity of labor at

in-

It

nese a bigger pool in which

no

less true

(or perhaps

merely gave the multiplying Java-

more

of

them could

tread water.

of the palawidja produced by crop-and-

fallow farming on unirrigated tegals than of that as east

a significantly

the

in

—the maintenance of the marginal

some low but nearly constant

gradually declining) figure.

sawahs

(i.e.,

sawah

expansion of palawidja cultivation was the same as

virtually

is

sawahs to total

.42:1,

by

areas.

sugar areas.^^ In short, the

aside, in the principal

peasant sector after about 1830

This

total

offset

one would expect, sugar

of harvested palawidja acreage on

ratio

terraces used

to

constant between 1888 and

virtually

grown on

monsoon crops. Tegal cultivation did not lead to more extensive or more highly capitalized farm-

ing pattern nor, despite the freer entry of some of the crops into the market, to the

growth of

a

commercial approach

to

agriculture. It led, rather, to the supplementation of intensive,

small-scale rice-farming by intensive, small-scale dry crop-farm-

ing modeled almost exactly upon

it.

The

size of the individual

farm remained Lilliputian. Toward the rainy west

it

tended to

be smaller with a greater percentage of sawah, toward the dry east larger

but with a smaller sawah component. But

essentially the

farm

as

century.

gun

had

sort of

farm

—in

it

fact essentially the

was

same

existed before the tegal expansion at the turn of the

The

to fail

same

ecological elasticity of

wet

rice

having

at last be-

him, the Javanese peasant turned toward diversified

" Calculated from Scheltema,

1930.


96

dry cropping to eke out, by the most labor-intensive pattern such crops could sustain, his customary meager living.

one approaches the problem from the consumption

comes

On

to the

same conclusion

as the

And

if

one

side,

Dutch agronomist Tergast:

densely populated Java the rice production could not keep step

1900] with the increase in population. Increasing cultivation

[after

of other foodstuffs in rotation with rice

Around 1900

the rising need for food. capita quantity available

and 3 kg of

pulses.

and on dry lands has met

amount of annual per was about 110 kg of rice, 30 kg of tubers,

Around 1940

the

had changed

this

to 85

kg

rice,

40 kg maize, 180 kg tubers, and about 10 kg pulses. This change has locally reduced, often seriously, the quality of the diet.

was

in calories there

menu

Expressed

change between 1900 and 1940; the daily

little

per capita has been kept on a level somewhat lower than 2,000

That

calories.

Java, in spite of the heavy population increase

and the

small possibility of expanding the cultivated area, has been in a position to maintain the calorie level of the diet

on

to the intensification of rotation

rice fields

due principally

is

and more intensive

use of the dry lands.^^

In addition to land tenure and land use, the involutional

worked

process also ^®

Tergast,

1950.

Of

its

course,

Tergast's

calculations

estimates also, perhaps even less precise than

the

was

summary

actually a decline in caloric intake

merely

are

broad

more straightforward

estimates of arable land and harvested area. In fact, there

on

peculiar pattern of changeless change

it

seems

likely that

between 1900 and 1940. For a

of other estimates of daily caloric intake (one of

which

sees

it

as

declining from about 1,850 in 1921 to about 1,750 in 1938 and the other of

which see

sees

as declining

it

from about 2,000

to 1,900 over the

same period),

van de Koppel, 1946. For yet another estimate of quantities of various

food crops available per capita from 1913 to 1940 showing a pattern generally similar to Tergast's, see Pelzer, 1945, p. 259. In addition, both these

calculations

and

measurement

my own

difficulties,

analysis

in

the text omit, mainly because of

consideration of the extreme intensification

grainless cultivation in house gardens (peârangan), plot of

some

thirty square

dozens of different cases, as

much

meters a Javanese family

fruits, vegetables,

as two-fifths of

its

and

herbs,

of

where on an average

may grow

and produce,

caloric intake. See Terra, 1946.

in

literally

extreme

— THE COLONIAL PERIOD: FLORESCENCE distribution

the

came

With

side.

the

steady growth

which agricultural product was spread,

was obliged

on

Under

it.

many

it

village society did not

other "underdeveloped" nations,

group of large landlords and

Rather

serfs.

human horde which

the pressure of increasing

numbers and limited resources Javanese bifurcate, as did that of so

into a

population

not altogether evenly,

if

throughout the huge

to subsist

of

and extension of mechanisms through

also the elaboration

at least relatively so,

97

a

group of oppressed near-

maintained a comparatively high degree of

and economic homogeneity by dividing the economic a steadily increasing I

number

have referred elsewhere

minute

of

"shared poverty."

as

which

pieces, a process to ^^

social

pie into

Rather than

haves and have-nots, there were, in the delicately muted vernacular of peasant

only tjukupans and kjsktirangans

life,

—"just

enoughs" and "not-quite enoughs."

By and

large, the set of

mechanisms producing

tion of output seems to have been centered less

ship than on land-working. of

communal

this fractioniza-

on land owner-

Equal inheritance, reduction

shares to permit

more shareholders

in size

in the

same

quantity of village land, and within-village bits-and-pieces land sale

—

no doubt produced some diminution in the extent of

all

individual holdings. with.

Though

But Javanese farms were small

particularly in the sugar areas

more extreme measures

— there

where is

villagers

little

start

—again,

were forced into

evidence for any large-

scale secular decline (or increase) in average as a

to

exceptions can be found

striking local

farm

size over Java

whole during the colonial period. The estimates of mean

and modal

—individual

Boeke

1940 run

in

hectare.^^

The

holding given by Raffles in 1817 and by

just

about the same: slightly under one

greater part of the dispersion of output,

which

in

^Geertz,C., 1956. "Raffles, 1830, it

was

which tion

I,

not, in the

162; Boeke, 1953, pp. 52-143. Additional evidence that

prewar period

facilitated "sharing the

— the

at least,

changes on the ownership side

poverty" comes from the fact that parceliza-

splitting of single holdings into a large

number

of very small


93

must have occurred, seems

the nature of the case

have been

to

mediated not through changes in the general structure of proprietary control, but through a

marked

elaboration and expan-

—in

particular,

number

of ad hoc

sion of the traditional system of labor relations

of the institution of sharecropping.^^

Javanese sharecropping consists of a large

on

variations

a

handful of structural themes.

It

permits almost

every case to be a special one, responsive to the peculiar

cumstance of the individual contract, but

at the

concrete example of a well-defined general type.

within

bility

which has given

fixity

its

it

cir-

same time

a

It is this flexi-

peculiar usefulness as

an involutional mechanism. Against the background of a few precisely formalized, scattered plots

—was

tra-

not particularly extensive in Java (being about half

the level of India or China), nor does

seem

it

to

have increased in the

immediate prewar period. Further, leaving aside the "Outer Indonesia" region of Preanger only a (very grossly) estimated 2,000 Javanese

more than

18 hectares of land in 1925. Scheltema, 1931, p. 275.

owned

One

of the

sources of the widespread notion of a radical decrease in average farm size in Java

seems

mere astonishment

to be

Mears (1961) writes: "With the increase

at

its

present smallness.

Thus

on

Java,

in population density

the size of individual holdings has declined to the point

mately 90 percent of the farmers cultivate

Almost 70 percent farm

less

than

where approxi-

hectare

1

...

of land.

than one-half hectare. Large holdings

less

.

.

.

are

the exception with less than one percent of the agricultural holdings ex-

ceeding 10 hectares." 1903,

when

When

the population

is

it

noted, however, that a survey taken in

was around

half

what

it

was

cluding the principalities where farms have always been

if

in 1958

(and ex-

anything smaller

than average), found that 15.8 percent of the farms were under

under

32.8 percent

ha, 89.1 percent cline,

though

.35 ha, 47.2

under

real,

1.42 ha,

seems

.18

percent under .53 ha, 70.9 percent under

and only

ha, .71

3.9 percent over 2.8 ha, the de-

a great deal less precipitous

and can

in

no sense

for the absorption of the bulk of the population increase into the village

economy. Pelzer, 1945,

^For an

p. 166.

encyclopedic review of traditional forms of sharecropping in

both Inner and Outer Indonesia, see Scheltema, 1931. For a more general discussion of the relations, see

whole range of types of

de Bie, 1902, pp. 67-74.

traditional agricultural labor

THE COLONIAL PERIOD: FLORESCENCE rooted model procedures

ditionally half,

maron, or

the

(e.g.,

99

procedure) landowner and land tenant could reach a

ment concerning land

responsibilities

could

taxes);

adjust

whatever pre-existing

(seed, oxen,

for inputs

apportionment

the

as well as to type of land, type of crop,

and

labor,

output

of

social relationships obtained

halfsettle-

to

between them,

and could

so on;

take into the vagaries of local custom, individual moral

and momentary economic

sense, less

of

divisibility

reality.

Further, a nearly limit-

and outputs was

inputs

through

possible

combining these procedures both with each other and with other sorts of labor agreements ing, jobbing,

work exchange,

wage work. The productive system of therefore, into a dense web spread,

responsibilities

—subcontracting,

collective harvesting and, latterly,

the post-traditional village developed, of finely

like

the

spun work rights and work

reticulate

veins

out part of his one hectare to a tenant

—while

at

—or

to

A man

to

two or

will

three

same time seeking tenancies on the lands

the

other men, thus balancing his obligations to give relatives,

hand,

the

of

throughout the whole body of the village lands.^^ let

pawn-

renting,

his

work

of

(to his

dependents, or even to his close friends and

neighbors)

against his

will rent or

pawn

own

subsistence requirements.

his land to another for a

A man

money payment and

then serve as a tenant on that land himself, perhaps in turn letting

subtenancies out to others.

A man

may

agree,

or be

granted the opportunity, to perform the planting and weeding tasks for one-fifth of the harvest

someone

to

else,

who may,

and job the actual work

in his turn,

employ wage

in turn

laborers

or enter into an exchange relationship with neighbors to obtain the necessary labor.

an

indififerent

The

tricate institutidonal

form of which emerges only

thus only

in the in-

fretwork through which land and labor are

In fact, the "share-crop" principle

also to

is

guide to the social pattern of agricultural ex-

ploitation, the specific

"

structure of land ownership

farm animals. See Scheltema,

is

applied not only to agriculture but

1931, pp. 243-252.


700

brought

actually

In

together.^'*

share

tenancy and

which

to divide

its

growing economic

associated

found the means by

practices the ever-driven wet-rice village

pie into a greater

number

of traditionally fixed pieces and so to hold an enormous popula-

on the land

tion

reform

—the

comparatively very homogeneous,

at a

What

level of living.

whose farms were minute

more ancient weapon increases

in

—the Javanese peasant,

to start with, achieved

of the poor:

work

the technical level this choice,

diffuse

grim,

minimization of socioeconomic contrasts based on

differential control of agricultural resources

On

if

elsewhere has been sought through land

if

through that

spreading.

one can

per-hectare productivity

call

it

that, to

through a larger

labor force, thus maintaining a constant or near-constant per-

worker productivity, has the

presumed

(or

fixed)

effect of leading

side similar to (but precisely reversed

tion

—

more Once

or,

direction.

plished,

up the where

it is

from) those on the planta-

accurately, to coefficients

variable only

from

it.

Sawah

one

accom-

terraces are

pushed

mountains and along the

faces of river banks,

narrowed form often means

a reversion to plow-

less cultivation.

Land

fragmentation, so far as

it

occurs, has a

must always be

similar effect, because as the edge of the terrace

worked with

in

is

the radical intensification of agriculture

difficult to retreat

sides of their

toward more fixed

production on the peasant

coefficients of

a hoe, the smaller the terrace the less advantageous

the use of the plow.

(Even

in the absence of

ownership frag-

mentation, florescence of in-kind tenancy patterns would seem to stimulate a reduction in the size of individual terraces, as

would

more

impos-

labor-intensive

sible to prove.)

^*

methods generally, though

Double cropping, more

this

is

careful micro-regulation

man at the same time, the may even be slighdy misleading in

Aside from often applying to the same

"landlord" and "share tenant" their

usual

cropper

is

connotation

in

this

context

where, as Boeke remarks, the

often the stronger party. 1953, p. 58. See also, in this connection,

Burger, 1930.

— THE COLONIAL PERIOD: FLORESCENCE of irrigation in

and around the

grain-by-grain,

cultivation,

terrace, stalk-by-stalk, not to say

reaping and

milling

methods,

veloped share-cropping, and other labor innovations ficult to

abandon once they are firmly

Dutch planter comes

modern

is

at least to

Thus,

as the

in the direction of greater investment

irrigation, scientific experimentation,

so on, the Javanese peasant

way

instituted.

de-

are dif-

all

to feel that the only possible direction of

increased rationalization in machinery,

101

comes

maintain his living standard,

and

only feasible

to feel that the

much

less raise

it,

through more fine-comb agricultural methods, and tends to

is

become increasingly

skeptical of the possibilities of

improvement

through mechanization. Where the plantation sector becomes addicted to capital, the peasant sector becomes addicted to labor

—the more they use the more they need. A sort of mirror-image ratchet effect, to change the metaphor, begins in

comes

it

be-

reduce them; and relatively easy for the peasant to

difficult to

increase labor inputs but difficult to reduce them. tive process of the

and

tensive

one sector becomes

that of the other steadily

the dualistic gulf which able, as

The

which

relatively easy for the planter to increase capital inputs, but

it

steadily

more

The produc-

more

capital-in-

labor-intensive, until

yawns between them seems unbridge-

did to Boeke.

conservation of traditional land-tenure systems, the assimi-

lation of dry crops to the wet-rice pattern of land use,

and the

elaboration of established systems of labor relationship are thus all

of a piece.

They

a

rising

—for —to the

represent a reaction

ingeniousness, almost wholly defensive

cal one.

and

social structural process as

The

agriculture in

oft-ired

twin pressures of

population and a superimposed plantation economy.

But they do not exhaust that reaction, for cultural

all its

it

was

as

much

a

an economic and ecologi-

involution of the productive process in Javanese

was matched and ed by

rural family Hfe, social stratification,

a similar involution

political

organization,

religious practice, as well as in the "folk-culture" value system


702

what of

I

—in

have elsewhere called the abangan world view

which Thus,

was normatively regulated and

it

we have been field, we

each stage of the development which

at

ethically justified.^^

following on the level of the rice terrace and the cane

could presumably have traced similar processes in the various

and

social

cultural institutions

which comprise the backbone of

The elaboration of a complex ranking system communal tenure, the fluctuating relationships between

village Hfe. to

ship,

patron-dependent and

position

of

the village

tied

kin-

territorial ties, the vicissitudes of the

hean and

his

changing

the

staff,

content of village rights as a corporate unit, and even the trans-

formations of the abangan itself a

own But level

if

tradition" as

it

absorbed into

wide range of foreign elements and turned them

ends

side of

"little

—

all

these

would add substance

our description of the history of a statistics

to its

to the "cultural core"

human

ecosystem.

community-

are uncertain before this century,

ethnographies are nonexistent; and even the handful of

village studies carried out in the closing phases of colonial rule are,

though excellent in themselves, almost wholly oriented

to

—to an obsessive concern with that elusive entity, "native welfare"— rather than to the close analysis economic and agrarian matters

of social structure of variation

patterns.^^

among contemporary

few fragments of period,

and culture

local

By looking

villages,

ethnography

at the

by squeezing dry what

we have from

and by deductively employing some general

principles,

we

range

the colonial sociological

can get an over-all sense for the things which

must have happened

to the Javanese village in

post-traditionality, but the details of

its

journey toward

"what happened"

are in-

accessible to us.

Perhaps the most trenchant phrase which has been coined

summarize what seems

to

to

have been the career of the Inner

Indonesian village over the past century and a half

is

"the ad-

""Geertz, C. 1960.

'^For some of the more important such studies, see 192«; Burger, 1930; van

Doom,

1926;

and van der

Adam,

Kolff, 1937.

n.d.;

Burger,

— THE COLONIAL PERIOD: FLORESCENCE vance toward vagueness."

The

103

peculiarly ive social-change

experience which, especially in "inner" Inner Indonesia, rural

been obliged to endure seems to have induced in

society has

indeterminateness which did not so patterns

as

them. Such

elasticize

and adapt but not

similar traits are useful

and the

by forces over which

like.^^

indeterminateness

—prisons,

much

mental hospitals, concen-

Pulled this

way and

that,

hammered

actively reconstructing itself, the village both clung to the

of selected estabUshed institutions

way

in such a

and limbered them

permit a greater

result

was an arabesque pattern of

elaborated, both enormously complicated

life,

framework.

both reduced and

fragility,

lowness, and unreliabihty of interpersonal

ties:

meager

ties

institutional resources

husks

internally

and marvelously simple:

complicated in the diversity, variability,

The

for

a freer play of

flexibility,

relationships within a generally stereotyped

social

The

as to

as

level to persons con-

had no control and denied the means

it

is

allowed to evade, adjust,

is

allowed to change,

on an individual

tained in "total institutions" tration camps,

really

an

transform traditional

flaccid

highly functional to a society which absorb,

much

it

by which such

fluidity,

shal-

simple in the

were organized.

quality of everyday existence in a fully involuted Javanese

village

is

comparable

to that in the other formless

human com-

munity, the American suburb: a richness of social surfaces and a

monotonous poverty

of social substance.^^

The Development of Outer Indonesia

But while Java was attaining the higher reaches of involution, a different process or,

more

accurately, in

was taking place

in the

some narrowly delimited

Outer Islands sections of them.

There, the enclave, not the mutualistic, pattern was flourishing, a true

proletariat

"Goff man,

was being forged from

a

mass of imported

1961.

™ For discussions of some "suburban" aspects of contemporary Javanese villages, see Jay, 1956;

from the

latter

and Geertz,

1959.

I

have incorporated a few phrases

paper in the paragraph above.


704

coolies,

and small-holder

cultivation of export crops

ing at an accelerating pace.

The

was

increas-

simplified statistics of Table 5

much

present the outlines of a pattern of dualistic development

more comparable

one of Malaya than

to the segregative

to the

symbiotic one of Java.

TABLE

5

Value of Nine Leading Exports, Java versus the Outer Islands, 1870-1930 Percentage of

Indexes

N.E.I, exports

Outer

Java

*

Outer

Java

Islands

Islands

1870

100

100

87

13

1900

172

555

70 44

30

19301

400 3671

All petroleum ed to

Source: Calculated from Macmillan, 1944,

Three

56

Outer Islands. Netherlands India,

J. S. Furnivall,

New

York:

p. 337.

characteristics of this

Outer Island (or Outer Indonesia)

development, each of them sharply contrasting to the Javanese pattern, serve to define

it.^®

First,

the development

was geo-

graphically extraordinarily localized, particularly on the capital intensive side.

Of

the 1930 Outer Island export value, 600 million

guilders, about a third originated

alone,

from the East Coast of Sumatra

where the great tobacco, rubber,

tea,

and oilpalm

planta-

down-

tions

were concentrated

ward

of 10,000 square kilometers, or less than one percent of the

total

Outer Island

area.

in

an area (Deli and

its

environs)

Another third came from the

oil fields

Îf the figures underlying Table 5 could be broken down along the Outer versus Inner Indonesia divide, thus throwing the west Javanese

development on the other side of the longs, the picture given

line

where most of

would be even more dramatic.

it

tea

properly be-

THE COLONIAL PERIOD: FLORESCENCE clustered

Palembang-Djambi

around

Balikpapan in east Borneo.

And

south

in

105

and

Sumatra

the tenth represented by tin

came entirely from the three small islands of Bangka, BiUtung, and Singkep off the Sumatran south coast.^^ Second, rather than being focused on condiments, confections, and stimulants the

development centered on the production of industrial raw materials

in

—a

Wertheim has pointed

reflex, as

world market conditions

growth of

large-scale

out, of the alteration

upon the

attendant

manufacturing in the West

after the

of the nineteenth century.^^ In 1900, rubber, tin,

—almost

entirely

Outer Island products

spectacular

middle

and petroleum

—ed

for

about

17 percent of Indonesia's export value; in 1920 about 20 percent; in 1930 about 37 percent; in 1940, after the collapse of sugar in

And

third, as indicated earlier,

much

greater role in the export

the depression, about 66 percent.^^ the peasantry played a relatively

economy, the small-holder share of the 1930 Outer Island figure being about 35 percent

(all

of

it,

of course,

from

agricultural

rather than mineral production) as against a comparable Javanese figure of about 15 percent.^^

Except for

tin,

which was mined on Bangka

as early as the

seventeenth century, virtually the entire Outer Island develop-

ment can be dated from

the impulse in

tobacco planter Jacob Nienhuys to

move

1863 of the obscure

frojm East Java to Deli.^^

•°Furnivall, 1944, p. 336; de Ridder, n.d., p. 77; van de Koppel, 1946, p.

393.

At the end

of the twenties, three-quarters of the total planted

estate area outside of Java

of

was situated

in the residency of the east coast

Sumatra (van Gelderen, 1929).

"Wertheim, 1956, pp. 67, 97. " Furnivall, 1944, pp. 36-37; Statistical Pocketbook "Furnivall, 1944, exports alone

(i.e.,

p. 337;

van de Koppel, 1946,

excluding

tin

of Indonesia, p. 135.

p. 411.

Taking

agricultural

and petroleum), the Outer Island small-

holder share was about 53 percent as against the Javanese 17 percent.

de Koppel, 1946. In per-capita the contrast ing: in 1927, about 21 guilders per head in the

is,

of course,

more

Outer Islands, about

Van strik-

2 in

Java (van Gelderen, 1929); in 1939, 14 and 2 (Boeke, 1947, p. 25).

"On 1946.

Nienhuys, see Boeke, 1953, pp. 220-221, 223; and van der Laan,


706

In a Surabaja trading house, Nienhuys, a Schumpeterian entrepreneur,

met

off as a

Sumatran

a certain Abdullah, an

Arab who, ing himself

prince, spoke glowingly of the native-grown

tobacco of the island's Httle-known northeast coast and of the profits to

be

made from

He may

it.

not have been a prince, but

he was an Arab, and his sense for commercial ing.

Having

failed in Java,

ful of doubtful credits

what became prises

—per

possibility unerr-

Nienhuys gathered together

and departed forthwith

a hand-

to Deli to

found

one of the most profitable tobacco enter-

in time

unit of tobacco produced, the most profitable

—in

the world.^^

From

the ecological point of view, tobacco

was

in

many ways

the ideal crop to serve as bridge between the sawahs of Inner

Indonesia and the swiddens of Outer. cial

An

unirrigated,

commer-

annual with a short growing season and no technical

continuities in scale,

agricultural pattern

it

dis-

could be fitted into virtually every sort of

found

in Indonesia. In Java

a palawidja small-holder crop

it

was grown

as

on dry-monsoon sawahs and on

unirrigated tegals, the only nonfood crop so cultivated in significant quantities.^^ In Sumatra,

the

Outer

Islands,

it

the swidden system, the pattern

DeH.^^

On

and sporadically elsewhere

was integrated

the estate side the

in

into the multicrop fabric of

Nienhuys found established

same gamut appears. In

in

the central

Javanese principalities (Jogjakarta and Surakarta) a version of the rotating lease system already described for sugar

was em-

ployed, with the estate conscripting the peasants' land and labor

every other year for tobacco cultivation under European direction.^^ In the other

În

important estate tobacco area of Java, the

1938 the world price of Deli tobacco was four to five times higher

than that of any other cigar tobacco, including Cuban.

At the beginning

of the century

Van

der Laan, 1946.

some Deli tobacco companies were paying

dividends as high as 111 percent. Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1911. ""

Van den

Broek, 1946.

''Van den Broek, 1946; van Hall, n.d., p. 69; Lekkerkerker, 1916, p. 243. ^ Beets, 1946. As the leasing system in the principalities was modeled on the so-called appanage system by

which the royal courts of the indigenous


107

East Hook, the peasants grew the crop themselves and merely sold

to the estates,

it

though by providing seedlings, paying land

and advancing s the

taxes,

bound them hand and

foot to

do

soon contractually

estates

And,

so.^^

finally, in

Sumatra

was devised, which

yet another ingenious leasing system

per-

mitted the Dutch planter to become a swidden farmer, like the local peasant. .

.

.

the famous Deli wrapper tobacco

is

grown only on land which

has been lying under forest fallow for at least seven or eight years. .

.

.

who

The

tobacco

land as .

.

.

tobacco planter of East Sumatra

plantation is

is

thus a shifting cultivator

tobacco only once in a cycle of eight years, and each

raises

therefore

about eight times as

requires

much

planted in any one year.

When

the tobacco companies originally applied to the sultans

for agricultural concessions,

no attempt was made

to set aside suffi-

cient land for the peasantry, although the contracts stipulated that

the companies

had

of land so that

it

to give

its

But instead of reducing the

ture.

bouw

each peasant family 4

could carry on

own

(2.9 hectares)

form of

traditional

size of their concessions

ing over to each family within the concession the stipulated of land, the planters preferred to have the use of

all

agricul-

by turn-

amount and

the land

to lend the harvested tobacco land to the peasants raising a single rice

crop. This

meant

that the planter

had

access

to all

but the

actual village land within his concession, while the East-Coast peas-

own May or

ant no longer had to clear land for his received from the estate each year in of land ready for the to clear

state of

had he not

sowing of upland

[swidden]. Instead, he

June the same amount

rice that

he would have had

lived within a tobacco concession.'*^

Mataram were ed,

the peasant rendering three-fifths of his

crop to the king or his agents, the provision of both land and labor to the estates

was compulsory. Also

as tobacco

is

only a dry-season crop, during

the year the estate had possession of the peasant's

could also be

grown

(called,

was share-cropped on the usual half-and-half landlord and a peasant,

~Boeke,

sawah a wet-rice crop

with fine irony, "permitted paddy") which

commonly

basis,

with the estate as the

the land owner, as the tenant.

1953, pp. 212-213.

"Pelzer, 1957. Actually, the eight-year cycle was not so rigid; in 1940,


703

At

first

glance,

it

might seem that

swidden tobacco and swidden

Pelzer uses that term to describe least cultural-ecological,

meant

a relationship

and neither

is

it

between

this relationship

was

rice

it.^^

symbiotic;

also

But in

ecological, or at

was not symbiotic,

if

by that

from which one or both ecosystems

harmed."*^ Rather

it

and

was neutral

(i.e.,

is

benefit

a relation-

ship which has no significant effect on either system) or, perhaps,

mildly antagonistic

one which

(i.e.,

versely).^^ In Java, the sugar estate

affects

and the

either or both

ad-

came

rice village

to

occupy complementary niches in one, closely integrated wider about 7 percent of the tobacco land was recultivated in seven or about 33 percent in nine or more years.

Van

less years,

der Laan, 1946.

" Pelzer, 1957.

" Clarke, species

but

1954, pp. 363-364. Clarke's conceptualization is

clearly extendable

to ecological

is

cast in

of

populations, communities,

systems, etc.

"Clarke, 1954, pp. 363-364. By "beneficial" and "harmful" are meant, of course, the implications of the relationship for the equilibrium sistence of the system

qua system, not

so that "eufunctional"

its

value in of

and "disfunctional" might be

human

better

and

per-

welfare,

(see,

Levy, 1952, pp. 76-82). Using a plus to indicate a eufunctional ("beneficial")

association, a

and zero

minus

to indicate a disfunctional

to indicate a functional neutral one,

("harmful") one,

Clarke presents the following

paradigm:

Species [ecosystem]

A Species

[ecosystem]

B

Relation

plus

plus zero

mutualism commensalism

symbiosis

plus zero

zero

toleration

neutrality

zero

minus minus minus

exploitation

plus

minus

antibiosis

antagonism

competition

In of these rubrics, which of course shade into one another, the

sugar-sawah system

falls

under toleration or (mild)

under mutualism, the tobacco-swidden system antibiosis.


709

ecosystem; they were mutually adapted to one another in such a

way

that each

made

a positive contribution to the other's viability.

In Deli, the tobacco estates and the autochthonous peasantry

operated in parallels; they were not integrated into a single

ecosystem but into two separate ones of a somewhat similar type.

They were

functional alternatives, not complements, and their

t persistence

was the

result not of positive

mutual adaptation

but of an elaborate program for keeping out of one another's

way. was, of course, the swidden cultivator

It

was obliged

to

who

most part

for the

keep out of the way of the tobacco planter, rather

than the other way around. There were few of him in any case: in 1915, the autochthonous population density in east

Sumatra

seems to have been less than six per square kilometer, which

low even legal

for a

swidden

area.^* Further, the evolution

framework governing the concession

at least in the

contracts

formative period of the industry,

the local harbor sultans

made between be-

— steadily

constricted

the

when

the

scope of operation for swidden cultivators. In 1884, rights of the peasants within concession areas legal form, the contracts

were

Where

to

anyone holding

land in the concession

new

cultivation rights

traditional,

but by 1892 they

now

had

permitted

had been allowed

customary-law tenure claims over

concession, only those actually dwelling

—often

given

the contracts originally

permitted the growing of "rice and maize," they

Where

first

guaranteed "a harvest year"

to the peasant following tobacco cultivation,

guaranteed only "a harvest."

only "rice or maize."

of the

—which were,

and the tobacco corporations, not

tween peasants and the corporations

explicit

is

a relative matter for a swidden farmer

on the

—were

"Calculated from Lekkerkerker, 1916, pp. 271, 339. In calculating the indigenous population I have subtracted only the total of extra-

size of the

Sumatran Indonesian they

coolies

from the "natives"

may have had and whatever

were engaged

total,

ignoring any families

Indonesians, Sumatrans, or "foreigners"

in noncoolie occupations, so that in fact the estimate of the

swidden peasant density

is

a

maximum,

the density probably being in fact

closer to four per square kilometer than six.

— THE COLONIAL PERIOD: FLORESCENCE

110

to be

were considered

harvested tobacco fields

all

which peasants had

accessible, only those

cultivated to

Where

granted such rights.

had been

as open.

And where

in fact earlier

the area allotted

each family had been a fixed quantity, the total land to be

given out for swidden was henceforth limited to no more than half the cleared tobacco fields, thereby preventing any significant

number

increase in the

of peasant cultivators

on the concession.^^

Thus, the swidden cultivator had every reason the tobacco planter really did not

when

fact,

at all. In

the system of land concessions granted by local lord-

was abandoned

lings

to suspect that

want him around

1919 for a straightforward "waste

after

land" type of lease from the Netherlands East Indies government

—one legally free of encumbrances by customary

native rights

the estates began to consider simply relinquishing a portion of their concessions to the

swidden population outright in exchange

for being permitted to bar native cultivators

altogether

—a

complete divorce which was about to be

consummated when

The is

from tobacco lands finally

the colonial period ended.*^

separation between tobacco plantation

even clearer on the labor

side.

and swidden farm

In contrast to Java, the local

population of east Sumatra was not drawn upon for estate work,

both because

it

was quantitatively

insufficient and,

and freedom, psychologically

land

Chinese and

later

proletarianized

having enough

disinclined.

Instead,

first

Javanese workers were brought in as a fully

indentured labor force. In

1913

about 48,000

Chinese and 27,000 Javanese coolies worked on east Sumatra tobacco estates, and of the total

contract *"

work

force of

than 1,000 were natives of the area

less

De

more than

itself.*"^

85,000,

Brought there by

and held there by the notorious "penal sanction" which

Ridder, n.d., p. 45.

**Van der Laan,

which Western

1946.

For

a

review of the variety of legal forms under

enterprises gained

title

to

Indonesian land, see Allen and

Donnithorne, 1957, pp. 67-70; and van de Koppel, 1946. *'

Lekkerkerker, 1916,

were contract free.

coolies

p. 272.

but

of

More than 95 the

small

(By 1931, however, almost half of

free. Furnivall, 1944, p. 356.)

percent of the over-all total

local

all coolies,

group 95 percent were

now some

350,000,

were


71?

provided prison for runaways, this uprooted labor force

was

as

much an

enclave in indigenous Deli society as was the

Dutch managerial European

in the

The Malays and Bataks

class.

of Deli were

estates but, unlike their counterparts in Java,

not of them.

The swidden ecosystem

was, therefore, not seriously altered,

even in an involutional manner, by tobacco system. In the

was incapable of such

would have

it

first

encounter with the estate

its

alteration;

any serious attempt

led to grass-field erosion,

them

to intensify

way

that

improved

land care, and crop diversification benefited

better

in Java. In the second place, the

and

labor shortage

it

and would have harmed

both systems rather than benefit them in the irrigation,

sawah system,

place, unlike the

Sumatra

a land surplus, rather

estates,

facing a

than the reverse, did

not see the indigenous population as a usable resource in the

way

the sugar planter

merely

the estate regime

my

saw the population of crowded

Java, but

Whatever

as a local nuisance, like mosquitoes.^^

eflfects

—there are, to matter — in the direc-

had on swidden were probably

knowledge, no detailed studies on the

tion of impoverishment.

The

fact that the

swidden farmer did

not have to clear the land of forest was, of course, an important labor-saving for him;

but that he was restricted to planting

second-season land, largely confined to a single crop, and limited

he could plant, must have reduced the per-capita

as to the area

productivity of the regime.

hood (though, again,

The

over-all result was, in all likeli-

specific data to

prove

seem

it

to be

available), to thin further the peasant population living estates, or at least to lead those

outside of

them

who

economy

shrub and tree-crop perennials

especially rubber

the estate lived **

For

—

diversified oil

to clear land

beyond tobacco

palm, agava,

tea,

ecological insulation of the peasant

virtually absolute, because

estates (see

a similar

csp., p. 100.

—the

became

on such

on them

as well.

In any case, as the Deli to

lived

un-

on the

argument, a

Map little

6).

and

from

no swidden farmers

The movement

differently put, see

to diversifica-

van Gelderen, 1929,

^

^^

.PANGKALANBRANDAN

MAP 6

NORTHEAST COAST OF SUMATRA

(DELI

AND ENVIRONS):

PLANTATION MAP A. BACHTIAR, W. HEINEMEYER, J. ROMEIN and SUTOPO, ATLAS SEMESTA DUNIA, S'GRAVENHAGE: DJAMBATAN,

AFTER: ADINEGORO, 1952,

tion

began

early, for

pepper, nutmeg,

newly found

p. 116.

even the hardy Nienhuys tried to grow black

rice,

land.^^

opium, and

But

it

cofifee as

was not

well as tobacco on his

until the rubber industry

took hold that the whole direction of the Deli complex, and in fact of the

Planted

whole Outer Indonesian economy, changed

first

(in the

form of

jicus elastica, the

drastically.

Asian species) on a

very small scale in Java in the 1860's, rubber was not introduced into Sumatra's east coast until 1906, long after tobacco

"Boekc, 1953,p.223.

was well

THE COLONIAL PERIOD: FLORESCENCE established,

and subsequent

brasiliensis to

initiated

Malaya

Kew

Gardens. But once there,

it

"one of the most remarkable periods of development in

the history of agriculture." ^°

began

famous abduction of havea

to the

via the

113

to

become

Between

and

tappable,

1913,

when

the trees

first

Outer Island estate-rubber

1922,

production (about three-quarters of which derived from Sumatra's east coast)

went from

decade (1931)

3,000 metric tons to 43,000;

had reached

it

95,000; by the

in

another

end of the colonial

period (1940) 182,000— approximately one-third of the total world production.^^

was with

It

economy

respect to rubber

that the

small-holder export

Tobacco was

of the Outer Islands really "took off."

effectively barred

from most of the

tropical-forest

except for small patches in the swidden fabric.

It

environment, flourished in

Deli because of the hyperextensive nature of the regime and

because the northeast coast

is

one of the very few areas of Sumatra

enriched by recent volcanic action.^^ But rubber

a tropical-

is

forest product par excellence, a tree crop as readily integrated

into a

swidden complex

as sugar

was

into a

from

sawah complex, and east-coast

beachhead

through most of Sumatra, to parts of Borneo and,

to a lesser

hence spread rapidly and

extent, to the

easily

its

Outer Indonesia sections of Java (Bantam, Prian-

gan, Buitenzorg, and Batavia); by 1938 an estimated 60 percent of Nethcrland East India rubber exports

by weight came from

""Allen and Donnithorne, 1957, pp. 117-118.

" Robcquain, 1954,

p. 166;

Estate production rose

Maas and Bokma, 1946; van dc Koppel, 1946. too, where rubber was sometimes "mixed"

on Java

with coffee or tea on a single plantation in a lowland-highland arrangement.

The comparable

99,000 metric tons. cultivations

Java figures are 1913, 1,000;

Maas and Bokma,

1946.

1922, 29,000;

Unlike almost

which were predominantly Dutch, somewhat

all

less

1940,

other estate

than half the

investment in rubber was Dutch, and the largest single estate was American.

A

somewhat

also in petroleum,

the

similar pattern, a

little

differently organized, occurred

where nearly 60 percent of the investment came from

Anglo-Dutch "Shell" combine and about a third from the United

States.

Allen and Donnithorne, 1957, pp. 288-289.

"Mohr,

1945.


114

nearly 800,000 small holders.^^

The

colonial paradox held once

again: ecological separation reduced rather than accentuated eco-

nomic

was

contrast.

The

Indonesians whose relationship to the estates

indirect benefited

most from them.

Stimulated by the demonstration effect of rubber and paced by the general upsurge of commercial spirit in the Outer Islands

the turn of the century, the small-holder cultivation of

after

other export perennials also flourished, at least until the 1930 depression.

Copra export volume, nearly

small holders, grew 1930.^* Coffee exports

all

of

which came from

more than sevenfold between 1900 and from Outer Island small holders almost

doubled, both by weight and value, in three short years (19251928)

coming thereby

to for about half the total coffee

production and nearly three-quarters of the coffee export of the

Netherlands East Indies generally .^^ Pepper, exclusively a swid-

den small-holder crop fore,

spurted

since the days of the

exports

also,

between 1910 and

1925.^^

most exclusively an

Company and

going from 25,000

And

even

estate crop,

tea,

until

to

40,000

be-

tons

about 1910

was increasingly

al-

cultivated by

small-holders, especially in the Outer Indonesia parts of west Java, reaching nearly a quarter of the

But

in Inner Indonesia the peasant

"Van

marketed product by

1926.^^

economy continued

to ex-

Gelder, 1946. Because of the generally inferior quality of small-

holder rubber as against estate rubber, the percentage by value was some-

what lower; about 45 percent (1937). Boeke, 1953, pp. 128-129; Allen and Donnithorne, 1957, p. 291. Between 1925 and 1940 small-holder rubber area increased from about 300,000 ha. to about 1,220,000 ha. Thomas, n.d., p. 21.

"Reyne, 1946; van de Koppel,

1946.

•^Paerals, 1946; Boeke, 1947, pp. 23, 68; Allen

and Donnithorne,

1957,

About 9 percent of Netherlands East Indies small-holder coffee was produced on Java in both years, so that it also increased in absolute

pp. 291-292.

; virtually

all

of

it

was domestically consumed, however.

Paerals,

1946.

"Rutgers, 1946. In

this case, the

advance continued, even accelerated,

after the depression, reaching nearly 80,000 tons in 1935.

"Van

Hall, 1946.

THE COLONIAL PERIOD: FLORESCENCE pand only

115

Squeezed by paddy, small-holder sugar never

statically.

got of? the ground; squeezed by palawidja food crops, small-

much more

holder tobacco, though

ground

actually to have lost

third of the century

—

significant than sugar,

to estate cultivation over the first

an export product.^^

at least as

For the general pattern of peasant change

radical social

seems

—which

outcome of

Ufe, the

this

raised the peasant share of total

Netherlands East Indies export value from about 10 percent in 1894 to nearly 50 percent in 1937 volutional

traced

pattern

for

— was

Java.^^

different

But

from the

in-

prerevolutionary

if

Javanese community studies are scarce, none exist for the Outer so that

Islands,

wrought set

is

by

in

this

and adding picture

The

it

commercial revolution. Looking here and there

bits

whose first

impossible to trace the transformations

is

it

swidden and in the cultural "core" within which

and

we

pieces,

can,

at

best,

may be bold but whose

outlines

such outline

is

get an

over-all

details are

dim.

that the impact of small-holder

com-

mercialization on the huge Outer Indonesia mass was uneven

and highly focused. More than a quarter of the small-holder rubber trees were

Palembang

alone;

Sumatra central

(1938)

the

in

south Sumatra residency of

the east coast of Sumatra,

if

coast),

Djambi

(the

and the western and southeastern corners

of Borneo are added, nearly 80 percent are ed for.^^

the total copra export,

Minahasa residency of

in

more than

a third

came (1939) from the

northern Celebes;

if

the western edge

Borneo and the tiny Riau archipelago are added, the

^Van

total

de Koppel, 1946; van den Broek, 1946. Most Javanese small-holder

tobacco production rolled

Of

went

either

into

straw-wrapped cigarettes),

shredded bulk form in

the

"direct

tobacco

local markets, or into

consumption" for

(i.e.,

hand-

which was sold

in

domestic cigarette industries.

In 1935, of a total Javanese production of 66,000 tons, about 55 percent

was

"directly

and Javanese)

consumed," about 25 percent worked by domestic (Chinese cigarette industries

Van den Broek, 1946. "VanHall, n.d.,p. 205. •" Van Gelder, 1946.

and only about 20 percent was exported.


116

rises

from the Lampong

(1935)

came

Eighty-five percent of the pepper

to three-fifths.^^

districts at the

southern

tip of

Su-

matra, 95 percent of the peasant-grown tea from the Priangan

highlands of west Java.^^ Small-holder coffee was

focused,

less

but even there the bulk of the output came from central and south central Sumatra, with north Bali, central Celebes, and

Timor

secondary centers.^^

as

enterprise in Outer Indonesia

The growing

points of peasant

were themselves islands

broad

in a

unchanged swidden-making. As the Inner Indonesian heartland filled up to become a largely homogeneous, of

sea

essentially

post-traditional rural slum, the

Outer Indonesian arc

differenti-

ated into a plurahty of sharply distinct enclaves of social and

economic dynamism scattered through a monotonous expanse of enduring

One

stability.

such enclave on which (as a result of a single study done

by the

brilliant

stantial

Dutch

material

Outer Indonesia cultivation,

concerning

exists

some circumchange

socio-economic

in

as a result of the spurt in small-holder export

the

is

sociologist Schrieke in 1928)

Minangkabau region

of west central Sumatra.^"*

—roughly the present residency of west Sumatra Barat) — not the most typical example one might

This region

(Sumatra have

is

chosen

generally.

to

represent

Not only

is

the

Outer Indonesia development

the most densely populated area out-

it

and Bali (1930), but

side of Java

also

the Outer Islands where irrigated rice

on

a fairly extensive scale,

Yet,

at

is)

to

came

all

to

''

Reyne, 1946.

''

Rutgers, 1946, van Hall, 1946.

small-

be widely

the same time, this ecological

in

be found

and perhaps the only one where

holder coffee, rubber, and copra vated.^^

one of the few places

was (and

culti-

heterogeneity.

^'Paerals, 1946. •*

of

Schrieke, 1955, pp. 83-166. Schrieke's study

Communism on

the

sented as the

summary

Investigation

Committee

Communist-inspired

* Indonesia,

1956,

West Coast

of

was

set

81;

Effects

originally

report of an Netherlands East Indies

pre-

Government

up, with Schrieke as chairman, to look into

political disturbances I,

(The Causes and

Sumatra)

Schrieke,

on the west

1955.

coast in 1926.

The Minangkabaus

are

the

:


117

combining sawah and swidden elements, makes the Minangkabau commercial transformation of shifting cultivation

case of the

more

the

Because Minangkabau

telling.

all

agriculture developed

and pressures

differently in response to external challenges

it

is

a particularly instructive example.

The Minangkabau

Agam

cultural hearth Hes in the

nine-hundred-meter-high

tuflF

a series of broad, flat-bottom canyons, which, cluster of irregular schistose hills

winding among

(see

Map

system, aided by effusions

a

and towering volcanic cones,

Pajakumbuh,

s the three classical capitals of Bukit Tinggi,

and Batu Sangkar

plateau, a

tableland strangely corrugated by

sawah

7).^^ In this landscape the

from the

and the

cones, crystallized,

—

Minangkabau culture an unusual fusion of Islamtook form.^^ But matrilineality, and gnomic moralism

character of

—

ism,

around

this hearth

—in

the narrow coastlands to the west (Pari-

aman, Padang, Painan), the

flat

marshes

to the east

(Bangkinang,

Taluk, Sungaidareh), the highland river galleries

north

to the

(Libuk Sikaping, Panti, Rau), and the rugged Kerintji mountain

(Muara Labuh, Sungai Penuh)

areas of the south

—Hes

an en-

veloping tropical forest frontier into which the Minangkabau

and

their culture

It is in this

have evidently been spreading for centuries.

periphery that swidden was concentrated, that peas-

ants encountered at least the distant shock

explosion,

waves of the

estate

and that Schrieke found "the beginnings of an agrarian

revolution"

most numerous people lation. **

in

Robequain, 1954,

Sumatra, forming about one-quarter of

Lekkerkerkcr, 1916, pp. 32-35; Robequain, 1954, pp. 157-158.

(or "old

Agam")

is

the lower

popu-

Agam

perhaps more often used to refer to the plateau directly

around Bukit Tinggi, different names being given to Pajakumbuh and Batu Sangkar. "Robequain, 1954. A secondary sawah development (350 meters)

the linked ones of

is

to be

found on

Solok plain directly south of Lake Singkarak.

Minangkabau sawah technique less

its

p. 157.

is

different

labor intensive. See van der Veer, 1946;

from Javanese, being and Terra,

1958.

in general

.VAVMWfV.Vfl

WEST COAST OF SUMATRA: HEARTLANDS AND MARCHES AFTER:

SCHRIEKE.B., INDONESIAN SOCIOLOGICAL STUDIES, PART ONE, THE HAGUE ond BANDUNG: von HOEVE, 1955.

The

contrast

nantly

we have

in

mind

is

.

.

.

that

between the predomi-

[wet] rice producing areas and those where the cultivation

is coming to the forefront; where, that is to commodity production takes place. In the latter areas money

of commercial crops say,

incomes are increasing by leaps and bounds compared with the former. But this contrast

is

not "remarkable" at

all

in reality;

it

is

simply logical.^^

Schrieke dates this "great change" from 1908-1912, last of

culture *"

the government-imposed restrictions

when

on indigenous

the

agri-

and trade were abolished, and when, more importantly,

Schrieke, 1955.


J79

the stimulus of rapidly expanding export markets began to be at

felt,

least

in

the marches. In

highlands,

Kerintji

the

the

southern outlier, coffee exports rose from 190 tons in 1913, to 300 in 1923, to nearly 3,000 in 1926. In foothill region

Kerintji

its

on the northern

Muara Labuh, an

side of the

isolated

mountain which gives

name, children and even teachers

away from

stay

school to work in the gardens, for "they see that a coffee farmer earns more than a miserable petty official, who is, moreover, obliged to work away from his native village." In Inderapura, also in the south, but

now

on the

coastal plain, "vast plantations can

be found where three years ago no coffee existed," and

scarcely a

garden

is

more than seven

years old. Painan, in the

western lowlands but farther north,

"is

fairly

still

backward,

being a narrow and rather insignificant coastal region," but even here "the population has recently gone over to the cultivation of coffee." Coffee also flourishes

northward

in

Lubuk Sikaping and

eastward in Taluk; and "while in former days a large percentage of the population

owing

was driven

to shortage of food,

are being

opened

to leave [these regions] for

many

are returning

now

Malaya

that gardens

in their native [villages]."

In the lowland regions, especially those fringing the great eastern marsh, rubber

is

also of great,

commonly even

greater,

importance, as for example in Bangkinang, where in 1925 a population of only 40,000

managed

to Singapore, earning 180,000

to export 1,250 tons of

pounds

sterling. In

havea

two other low-

land margin areas, one in the extreme north, the other in the ex-

treme south, which twelve years

earlier

were so backward and im-

poverished that "the government had not dared to encourage

rubber cultivation

had the at a

"to

—in

spite of the fact that

greatest difficulty paying

its

taxes,

.

even

.

.

the population

when

these

very low rate of assessment," there are nowadays people

whom

a rubber transaction

running into some hundreds of

pounds means nothing very extraordinary." Copra too spread, being

west

were

coast,

is

wide-

most prominent around Pariaman on the north-

where the growers not only process the coconuts

themselves but carry the meat to market, thus eUminating the


120

middleman. "Here we have

hated, expensive

sums

to do," Schrieke

up, "with a revolution in spirit similar to that of the early

capitalist

period in Europe as indicated by

Sombart.

The 'economic

scene."

mentality' has

Max Weber and

made

^^

This mentality has had paniments: increasing

its

customary sociocultural accomland tenure; growth of in-

flexibility of

dividualism and slackening of extended family differentiation

and

upon the

entry

its

old,

and

conflict, intensified

modern and

conservative;

greater class

ties;

opposition between young

weakening

of

traditional

authority and wavering of traditional social standards; and even the growth of "Protestant ethic" religious ideologies.'^^

changed here

(as in Java

though

What

way) was not

in a different

just a pattern of land use or a set of productive techniques but a

system of functionally interrelated, adaptively relevant institu-

and

tions, practices

The

ideas

—a "cultural

core."

precise nature of the changes in the

of this core

is

more

technical aspects

not fully spelled out by Schrieke; but the main

development seems

down

have been a slowing

to

of the shifting

cycle so as to lead to a transformation of the swidden pattern

toward a more or

less fixed

gardening one. Rubber and coconut

grown originally in or around swiddens eventually tend to become permanent or semipermanent groves if they are of comtrees

importance,

mercial

because

choked by weeds, and grains. Coffee tree, it

is

provides

less

they

are

perennials,

draining of the thin

But planted under

cover for the specially

soil

and has

a shorter life span.

selected shade trees

or even terraced, highland slopes, coffee also effective

garden

cultivation.'^^

'"Schrieke, 1955, pp. 107

on protected,

can become an

More than anything

""The preceding two paragraphs from Schrieke,

easily

than are

more bush than

a greater problem because,

less

less

soil

else it

is

rice.

1955, esp., pp. 98-106.

ff.

"Paerals, 1946. In the lowland areas coffee remained firmly enclosed

within the swidden pattern, though even there plot

from two or

it

extended the

life

of a

three to seven or eight years, as well as leading to a

— THE COLONIAL PERIOD: FLORESCENCE demanding

light,

127

encouraging weeds, and exhausting minerals,

which makes shifting

cultivation

—

at

least

in Southeast Asia

shift.

Thus, the reduction in the

against tree crops has brought a

swidden

toward

production as

relative role of rice

permanent

movement away from semipermanent

or

true

gardening.

"Thinly populated" Muara Labuh, a onetime surplus swiddenrice producer,

has turned into a heavy importer because "the

inhabitants are too busily occupied cultivating coffee

time

left

—to

have

for rice growing." In Inderapura, the population "can-

not cope with

[its] vast

gardens owing to shortage of labor

[and consequently] tends to neglect

growing

rice

—in

the cultivation of commercial crops." Rice fields are

.

.

.

favour of still

being

planted there, but under pressure exerted by the native istration,

and

it

only achieved with

"is

difficulty."

from Kerintji have dropped nearly 75 percent and has

Rice exports

in three years;

in Lubuk Sikaping "the cultivation of rubber and now put altogether an end to rice growing in forest

ings,

the so-called

The

'shifting-cultivation.' "

coffee clear-

"^^

reduction, or at least the limitation, of rice production in

favor of commercial crops led of course to greater rice imports

—in the

first

was

process

instance, less

in

from the plateau sawah evidence than

it

was

areas,

in

the

where

this

pioneering

marches; in the second, from Java, which was having increasing difficulty

outside process

merely feeding the

archipelago

itself;

and, finally, from surplus regions

(Burma, Thailand, Indochina). The

was cumulative. Where around 1922

Indonesia)

rice

export was

still

residency as a whole, most of

it

a significant (within-

flowing from the west coast evidently

from the heartland,

by 1930 "the cultivation of coconuts, coffee and rubber had

pushed more

rice into the

to the point

where the region

careful temporal coordination of parallel swiddens. See Pelzer, 1945,

pp. 25-26.

"

background"

Schrieke, 1955.


122

was importing nearly 700 tons two decades

a year; by 1938, 3,300 J^ Thus, in

o£ an arm's-length encounter with

European

capital-

Minangkabau swidden peasant became what the Javanese sawah peasant, struggling to keep head above water for more than a century, never did: an acquisitive businessman fully enmeshed in a pecuniary nexus. Again, the Minangkabau experience is perhaps not typical of ism,

the

Outer Indonesian development

in all details.

Each

of the small-

holder growing points was somewhat different culturally, so-

and

cially,

sponse to

ecologically,

and

so the

pattern of their re-

exact

commercial opportunity was

different.

The heavy

Menado

in northern

concentration on coconut gardens around

Celebes (Minahasa) turned the region

—which in the seventeenth

and eighteenth centuries had been "the cas"

—into

rice

barn for the Moluc-

an inflexibly one-crop export economy

mercy of the copra market, because

rice

the shade of the long-lived coconut groves,

and

the

at

could not be

full

grown

in

a decline in ex-

port returns thus brought almost immediate food shortages.^^

In the great rubber

flats

of Djambi, Palembang,

and

coastal

Borneo, where the trees were more integrated into the estab-

swidden complex, the situation was more

lished

for a

flexible,

decline in rubber prices could be at least partly compensated for by neglecting tapping for rice growing.^^

But even here the

planting of rubber trees sometimes tended to transform subsistence peasants into export farmers

and

to

crowd out food

culti-

vation altogether, for example, at Benkalis along the Malacca

"Van

de Koppel, 1946.

Some

of this rice

went

There were

also

some

Kerintji. In general,

coffee, tea,

and quinine

on Dutch Sawah Lunto.

to feed laborers

concerns, for example the coal miners in the fields around

estates, especially

around

however, European enterprise in the west coast was

limited. '*

'^

Van de Koppel, 1946. Van de Koppel, 1946. Around

Deli

much

of the

imported

rice

went

to

feed the imported Javanese and Chinese coolies. In 1931-1938 the residency of the east coa^t of

Sumatra ed

Outer Indonesia. Van de Koppel, 1946.

for nearly half the rice imports into

THE COLONIAL PERIOD: FLORESCENCE Strait

was

where "rubber gardens occupied

so large

an area that there

actually a scarcity o£ land suitable for the

[swiddens]

down."

^^

for

123

making

of

new

food crops, and rubber trees had to be cut

In Atjeh, in Tapanuli, in the Lampungs, even in parts

of the Lesser Sundas, such as

Timor, the same picture of

in-

creased commercial exports and increased rice imports appears;

while in the Moluccas, traditionally a sago-growing region, commercial gardening of coconuts permitted significant imports of rice into

Thus,

some areasJ^ bulk of the Javanese peasants

as the

cultural

involution,

shared poverty, social

social conflict,

was the more

agri-

and

cul-

elasticity,

Outer Island peasants

tural vagueness, a small minority of the

moved toward

moved toward

agricultural specialization, frank individualism,

and

cultural rationalization.

perilous,

defensible morally

and

and

to

some minds

it

The second course may seem both less

less attractive aesthetically.

But

at least

it

did not foredoom the future. ^'Pelzer, 1945, p. 25. Actually, scarcity of labor

may have

portant a factor as scarcity of land; and, in any case,

Dutch istration, not the cut

peasants,

who

it

been as im-

evidently was the

decided the trees "had" to be

down.

"Van

de Koppel, 1946; OrmeHng, 1956. In a number of the Lesser

Sundas, cattle and timber export played a minor

role.

—

PART

III

The Outcome

6.

COMPARISONS AND PROSPECTS

The future came soon enough. The crash occurred in 1930: During the next four years, Netherlands East Indies export income dropped 70

percent.^ In

May,

1940, the

Netherlands was

occupied by the Germans, leaving the Indies in the unfamiliar role of a colony

was

filled: its

home

without a

all

achieved

it

in

By 1942

the

vacuum

metropole was Tokyo. In August, 1945, the In-

donesian Republic declared 1949

country.

it.

two decades.^ About

war and runaway

its

Independence; by the end of

Depression, war, occupation, and revolution

inflation

all

that

—and

was

they

left to

came

happen was

in the

civil

fifties.^

The Present Situation

But the

effect of this series of convulsions

tern of the Indonesian expect.

The

economy has been

on the

less

basic pat-

than one might

transfer of sovereignty, the comprehensive politiciza-

Van de Koppel, 1946. ^The definitive work on

'

velopments during

it,

this

period

is

Kahin, 1952. For economic de-

see Sutter, 1959, esp., Vols.

I

and

II.

Ôn civil war, see van der Kroef, 1958; and Hanna, On inflation, see Higgins, 1957, pp. 13-25, 166-167.

1961, chapter

vii.

COMPARISONS AND PROSPECTS tion of society,

and the triumph of

125

radical nationalism

foundly altered the moral environment of economic for the general

form of

The economy

ent but the past.

activity.

But

that activity Bergson's extravagantly his-

aphorism very nearly holds: there

toricist

have pro-

it

less effectively,

same economy. The

the

is

nothing in the pres-

much

functions

but (or, more exactly, because) threefold thematic structure

is

announced by the Company, devel-

oped by the Culture System, and resolved by the Corporate

System

Plantation

—technological dualism, regional imbalance, —persists; and the frustration of In-

and ecological involution

donesian aspirations persists with

Within the confines of

this

it.

general framework, however,

things have changed. Petroleum aside, Europeans play a

many much

reduced role in the capital intensive sector of the dual economy,

and the Dutch, ties in

government takeover of

since the

December

1957, play virtually

none

at

all.'*

their proper-

The

sugar

in-

dustry, by far the hardest hit estate enterprise in the depression,

much

of

minded

its

equipment reduced

and many of

Japanese,

by resentful Indonesian former

in-migrant from at last

a

from

its

scrap iron by the single-

mills

revolutionists,

self despite a recent

of peasant squatters

to

to the

ground

but a shadow of

its

upturn.^ In Deli and environs hordes

—unemployed

less fertile

burned

is

Javanese coolies, Sumatrans

adjacent regions, local peasants freed

colonial regulations

—have

appropriated more than

hundred thousand hectares of former plantation land of

all

sorts for subsistence agriculture, a process started by Japanese

attempts to *

make

the area self-sufficient by setting plantation

The mass takeover ostensibly stimulated by the West New Guinea more than 400 agricultural estates, as well as a num-

(Irian) issue, affected

ber of banks, industrial firms, and transport lines. Paauw, in press.

"Sugar production

fell

from nearly 3,000,000 tons to 500,000 between show a serious drop in

1930 and 1935, the only important estate crop to

output in the in 1950 less

it

crisis.

was down

By 1940

it

had recovered

to 275,000. Since then

it

to

about 1,500,000 tons, but

has slowly risen to

somewhat

than one-half the 1940 figures, one-quarter the 1930 figures.

Koppel, 1946;

Statistical

Pocketbook of Indonesia,

p. 68.

Van

der


726

work tween 1938 and laborers to

on unused

cultivating food crops

number

1955 the

estates.^

Be-

of estates in exploitation in

Indonesia just about halved; though in of actual planted area the decline

At

the

was only

slightly

more than

same time the half-century

a quarter J

toward industrial raw

drift

material exports at the expense of foodstuffs, spices, fibers, and the like had continued apace: between 1940 and 1956 the export

volume of

all

of rubber, tin,

other products

and petroleum by about a

fell

total 1940 export value

quoted

Indonesian

—

three-quarters.^

—

done

revival of sugar production in Java has

the bulk

for

picture,

and the two-thirds of

half;

earlier for these three products

Thus the export economy narrowed down even more finely to Outer and especially Sumatran products. Even the slight

had by 1956 become nearly sector of the

rose 40 percent while that

of

this

product

to alter this

little

now consumed

is

mestically. If anything, regional imbalance has

do-

widened: in 1939

about 35 percent (by value) of Indonesian exports was shipped

from Javanese Involution,

ports, in 1956 only 17 percent.^

has proceeded relentlessly onward, or per-

too,

haps one should say outward, for a process which began to be felt first in full force

mainly in the sugar regions

is

now found

over almost the whole of Java. Against the background of our 1920 figure, those based trict

on the 1955

election-registration

analyses of the 1961 census figures are not yet available)

show an graphic

assimilation of

more and more

—and, one presumes,

the social

of the island to the

—conditions

the densest ones during the earlier period

*Pelzer, 1957.

curred on a '

Statistical

'Statistical *

(dis-

Statistical

significant

A

similar

number

phenomenon, on

(Graph

2).

The mean

a less extensive scale, has oc-

of the enclave-type estates in eastern Java.

Pocketbook of Indonesia, pp. 64-65. Pocketbook of Indonesia, pp. 108, 129, Pocketbook of Indonesia,

amount

demo-

prevailing in

of

p.

105.

135.

Actually as there was a

smuggling of small-holder copra and rubber from was probably even greater;

the Outer Islands in the latter year, the contrast a point total

which obtains

for the relative role of industrial

export argument as well.

raw

materials in

GRAPH 2 50

1920

1955

1

45

40 35 1

m

30

1 Q

25

ii

o

1

20 15

10

5

1

under

300

300-500

500

under 300 INHABITANTS PER KM.^

over

300—500

over

500

Source: Calculated from Iso Reksohadiprodjo and Soedarsono Hadisapoetro,

"Perubahan Kepadatan Penduduk dan Penghasilan Bahan Markanan

Djawa dan Madura," Agricultura

(Padi) di

of this distribution of districts

is

(Jogjakarta),

I

(1960), 3-107.

about the same, but what was

once the minority, the hyperpopulated

district, is

now

the

mode

and what was once the mode, the comparatively moderately populated one, carefully,

point

out

Iso

is

now

the minority.

Reksohadiprodjo and

that,

with

a

Analyzing these data more Soedarsono

Hadisapoetro

few exceptions, regions with heavy

population remained in the same general density class from 1920 to 1930, but "regions

showed

a tendency to a higher density in 1930

markedly ^°Iso

with a low density of population in 1920

in 1955." ^^

Thus, where the

and

still

more

all-Java density rose

Reksohadiprodjo and Soedarsono Hadisapoetro, 1960.

A

by

few areas

with clearly adverse natural conditions, particularly with respect to

irriga-

— COMPARISONS AND PROSPECTS

728

about 54 percent between 1920 and 1955, that of the main (former) sugar

no

only by about

districts rose

—as

figures are available to prove

evidently

12,

—though

a result of greater

it

urban

migration from these depression-blighted areas, and perhaps in part of interregional migration to less populated rural areas.^^

The

rice-production figures give

per-capita

Such production

fell

by about a

fifth in

the

same

picture.

Java over these three

and a

half decades, but only by about a tenth in the sugar dis-

tricts,

partly because of the release of

in

some

areas

—notably

managed

actually

sawah from cane, which

the Sidoardjo delta south of Surabaja

permit a maintenance of the 1920 per-capita

to

paddy production.^^ In

short, the sharpness of the line

between

"inner Inner Indonesia" and "Inner Indonesia" generally has

been thoroughly blurred.

What was

now an

epidemic disease.^^

tion, are

an exception

in

that they have

once a local pathology

remained

at

a

low

level.

is

Iso

Reksohadiprodjo and Soedarsono Hadisapoetro, 1960. "Calculated from footnote 10 and Landbouwatlas. As the 1955 figures

and those

are only for Indonesian citizens

for

1920 presumably for

all

residents, the totals are not precisely comparable, but the error thus intro-

duced

due

is

minor. Also only 73 of the original 98 sugar

to lacunae in the 1955 data

tween the two

and

The

dates.

their inclusion

is

and

districts

can be used

to istrative reorganizations be-

25 omitted districts are, however, well scattered,

not likely to change the relationships significantly.

"Calculated from footnote

and Modjokerto, nearly

10.

a third of

The

Brantas-delta regencies of Sidardjo

whose sawah was

a per-capita production of about 450

kg

in cane in 1920,

in the face of a 10 percent population increase. Footnote 10,

1956, p. 371.

The

former sugar

areas, permitting terraces to be

generally

had

in that year, about 453 in 1955,

more favorable

and Wertheim,

ecological conditions in the

more thoroughly squeezed, and the areas would

also played a role; but these figures are only for rice,

probably be pretty well offset by more dry land (tegal) cultivation in the

nonsugar

districts,

"Another

were the data

available.

sign that involution

is

now

entering

its

fragmentation of ownership seems also to be spreading

no more land

is

available to bring into cultivation

acute phase

now

is

that

that virtually

and the island

is

ex-

tremely crowded almost everywhere. In Malang regency, Bennet (1961)

found that the average

size of

sawah holding dropped 9 percent between

— COMPARISONS AND PROSPECTS Thus, although has reached

—

political,

at least

129

economic, and intellectual disorder

on the national

level

—a stage of near catas-

trophe, ecologically speaking the postwar picture in Indonesia is

about the same as before the war, perhaps more

Java

crowded with

is

dense, vague, dispirited communities

large,

Most

so.

of

post-traditional wet-rice peasant villages:

—the

raw material

of a rural, nonindustrialized mass society. In the rest of Inner

Indonesia of Java

— Bali,

—as well

Lombok, and some of the less involuted areas as in some Outer Indonesian pockets (the Min-

angkabau heartland, the Tapanuli Batak, southwest Celebes), traditional wet-rice peasant villages predominate,

though high,

is

ship, political,

Indonesia

is

density,

not yet overwhelming, and the established kin-

and

religious institutions

remain powerful. Outer

characterized by localized plantation and mining

where

enclaves,

where

capital-intensive techniques are

mixed with an

uprooted labor force; by the small-holder export crop gardeners

—now

seriously

hampered by government economic

clustered in certain areas;

and by the

traditional,

policies

mainly kinship-

organized swidden cultivations spread over the rainforest teriors of the larger

in-

western islands and the rugged monsoon

forest hills of the smaller eastern islands.^'^ 1942 and 1953, of tegal holdings 13 percent, while population climbed

about

11

percent, "possibly indicating that increasing densities of popula-

tion are being reflected here less in an absence of in a diminishing size of the average holding."

85 percent of the households have

them have holdings

"This together,

estimates that although

land, only about 64 percent of

of a size adequate to their subsistence needs.

typology, intentionally gross and ignoring urban settlements is

in

H. Geertz,

in press.

There

and post-revolutionary government

are, also, as a result of

efforts,

the southern tip of Sumatra,

to a

much

in

lesser

the

Lampungs

at

extent in southwest

Between 1937 (when there were already some 60,000 Inner Indo-

nesian settlers in the

moved

and

both

some Javanese, Sundanese,

and Balinese "transmigrated" wet-rice settlements Celebes.

al-

based on the more discriminating classification of Indonesian

communities pre-

some

sawah holding and more

He

Lampongs) and 1956, about 286,000 people either moved from Java to these areas. Robequain,

or were (voluntarily)

1954, p. 162; Statistical

Pocketbook of Indonesia,

p.

17.

For a description


130

In

human

history "final" pictures are final until they change.

But, despite the sloganeering about "winds of change,"

awakening and

East,"

or

"the

revolution

of

rising

despite, too, the real possibility of a totaUtarian

Djakarta, there

is

"the

expectations,"

triumph

in

no evidence that the major outlines of the

Indonesian pattern of adaptation, of the plurality of diverse cultural cores

future. its

For

which compose

are likely to alter in the foreseeable

it,

the proclaimed,

all

apex, Indonesia at

base

its

if

only half-believed, optimism

is

an anthology of missed oppor-

at

conservatory of squandered possibilities.

tunities, a

Java and Japan

A seized

sharper sense for these lost opportunities and possibili-

developed

ties is

if

one looks

— not allowed to

to another area

through the fingers

slip

where they were like the proverbial

chances of a lifetime. Historically, "what might have happened" of course did not; else to

and from one point

be said about

it.

But the

of view there

fact that

it

little

is

might have

is

not

without significance, for "there are moments in history the whole record of which

is

not contained in the story of what happened,

and the meaning of which

what never came

of

not taken which

For

to be."

make

all

too,

is

turally

not disclosed except in an estimate

^^ It is, as

Frost has written, roads

the difference.

Java, the obvious comparative case

between them: geography, capita

is

income

—

similar.

on

a

is

Japan.

Much

history, culture, and, of course, per-

Japan's being about twice Java's.^^

Both are heavily populated. Both

labor-intensive,

regime centering on wet

differs

rice.

But much, agricul-

rest

small-farm, multicrop cultivation

Both have managed

to

maintain

of transmigration efforts in the Colonial Period, see Pelzer, 1945; in the

Republican period, Utomo, 1957. ^'Brinkley, 1935, p. 299. ^^

Estimated gross national product per capita (1955) for Japan

is

about

$240, for Indonesia about $127. Ginsburg, 1961, p. 18. Javanese per-capita

product

much

is,

it is

of course, below that of Indonesia as a whole, though by

impossible to say.

how

COMPARISONS AND PROSPECTS a significant degree of social

and

731

cultural traditionalism in the

profound encounter with the West and extensive do-

face of

mestic change. In

fact, in agriculture,

the further back one goes

toward the mid-nineteenth century the more the two resemble one another. Japanese per-hectare

rice yields at the

beginning of

Meiji (1868) were probably about the same as those of Java at the beginning of the Corporate Plantation System (1870); today

they are about two and a half times as high/^ Between 1878 and 1942 the percentage of the Japanese labor force employed in

from around 80

agriculture dropped figure for the in 1930

— and

probably

today

still

And, though

percent.^^

to

around 40; the Javanese

end of the nineteenth century

is

it

—

it

is

had not

not known, but fallen

estimate, the percentage of aggregate net

income contributed by

agricultural production in the Japan of the 1880's

same general order

below 65

even more a matter of head-long

was of the

as that in the Java of the 1950's,

by which

time the Japanese percentage was only a third as large/^ Given, then,

"What

background

the ittedly important

all

when one

can hardly forbear to ask

differences,

one

looks at these two societies:

has happened in the one which did not happen in the

other?"

A

satisfactory

whole economic, tions; but

even

if

such a question would involve the

answer

to

political

and

we

cultural history of the

two

civiUza-

confine ourselves to predominantly ecologi-

number of dramatic differences leap to the The most striking— and the most decisive is the contrast between the way Japan utilized its rapid population increase and the way Java utilized hers. Between 1870 and 1940 Java absorbed cal considerations, a

—

eye.

the bulk of her increase in

numbers

—about thirty million people

" Ohkawa and Rosovsky, 1960; FAO Yearbook, pp. 36-37. ^Ôhkawa and Rosovsky, 1960; Statistical Abstract for the Netherlands East Indies, 1935, pp. 143-146.

"Ohkawa and

Rosovsky, 1960. Mears, 1961.

The

Javanese figure

is

again

estimated on the basis of the all-Indonesia figure, the percentage of in-

come from Islands.

agriculture being probably lower in Java than in the Outer


732

—into

post-traditional village social systems of the sort already

described, but in the first century of modernization, Japan maintained a relatively

unchanging population

was absorbed

labor force little

agriculture

in

two and one-half

increased

change in the

size

while the

population

total

fold. Practically all the increase in the

in non-agricultural

activities.

There was

population. Almost

of the rural

was absorbed

natural increase of the national population

all

in

the

urban

areas.^®

From

1872 to 1940, the Japanese farm population remained vir-

around 14 million people (or SYi miUion housethe same time as the total population grew approxi-

tually constant

holds) at

mately 35 million.^^ Comparable

on the farm popula-

statistics

tion of Java are not available, but that

it

grew

at better

than an

average of one percent a year during this entire period seems a conservative estimate.^^ Japan, in short, did not involute; which

should cut the ground out from under any charges of "paddyfield

determinism" which might be brought against our Javanese

analysis.

For

But what, then, did

one

thing,

it

it

do?

increased

tions,"

Ohkawa and Rosovsky

agricultural

labor

productivity

agricultural

worker, not just per terrace. "Using the

latest

and

best

per

computa-

estimate that the productivity of

(net output/labor force in agriculture)

in-

creased 2.6 percent annually between 1878 and 1917.^^ Thus, as I

have attempted (with ^Taeuber,

1960.

^Namiki,

1960;

much

Ohkawa and

less

adequate computations) to

Rosovsky, 1960.

^Starting around 1920, Javanese towns seem to have begun, evidently for the first time, to this

186;

grow more

rapidly than the general population, and

trend has accelerated since the revolution (Wertheim, 1956, pp. 185-

The

Siau Giap, 1959).

However even today

they

come nowhere near

absorbing the entire increase as the Japanese towns seem to have done since the last quarter of the nineteenth century.

Ôhkawa and

Rosovsky, 1960.

tended to slacken, and after the

Toward first

the end of the period this raf^

world war

percent. But by that time Japan's industrial sector

it

dropped

to about

1

had been firmly launched.

— COMPARISONS AND PROSPECTS

733

demonstrate, where Java increased per-hectare yields

World War but

the First

at least to

not per worker yields, Japan increased

The

both over roughly the same period.

contrast

all

is

more

the

impressive, because, in Japan as in Java, the basic structure of

form of the producing

proprietary control, the general

seem

the over-all pattern of rural culture

unaltered

The

to

and

unit,

have been relatively

:

and productivity were based on the

increases in output

tional patterns of rural organization inherited, in the

Tokugawa

The

period.

household,

tare

per

and

tenants,

small family farm, averaging about

the

—

hec-

1

between peasant proprietors

distribution

high rents in kind

tradi-

main, from the

all

were

of these characteristics

maintained during the [1878-1917] period. At the same time, there

was no strong trend of land consolidation and

preserved the

this

scattered holdings of tiny plots of ground.^'*

No move class

no marked trend toward a

to extensify agriculture;

polarization of large landlord

radical

reorganization

characteristics

century.^^

But Japan increased

worker 236 percent, Java

—the For

rural proletarian;

family-based

the

of

and Japan

of Java

and

alike

productive

productivity

per

meme chose may

be a fitting epitome. But for Japan

meme

agricultural

moment

estates aside for the

it

to read plus c'est la

unit

since the turn of the

hardly increased

at all.^^

no

Java, plus ga change, plus c'est la it

would have

chose, plus qa change.

The readiest explanation commonly invoked— is the

for this difference

—and the one

most

greater technological advance in Jap-

anese agriculture. Irrigation was expanded, land reclaimed, seed

**Ohkawa and Rosovsky, tional

quality of village

than in Java

1960.

life

in

For

On this, see "Ohkawa and it.

still

many ways more

fairly tradi-

traditional

for the Javanese type of pattern

was

Culture System period, so that for the Japanese was laid in

the equally decisive of

— in

—see Beardsley, Hall and Ward, 1959.

" As the fundamental groundwork laid in the

a description of the

Japan

Tokugawa

Smith, 1959. Rosovsky, 1960.

(1600-1868), particularly the later phases


134

improved and

selection ity

became more

fertilizer use increased, cooperative activ-

and widespread, planting was

effective

weeding and harvesting methods developed,

fied,

knowledge

Though

increased.^^

technologies

agricultural

the contrast between the

often exaggerated, on one level this

is

beyond question

—the

Japan clearly must

sharp

rest

rise

intensi-

two

thesis

is

in productivity per farmer in

on "key improvements

in Japanese agri-

cultural practice in keeping with the small unit of production." ^^

Yet

it

what

nonetheless, unsatisfactory. First,

is,

involves a some-

it

uncritical reading of the present into the past. Until about

the turn of the century, by which time Japan had irrevocably

"taken off" and Java had definitively involuted, the difference be-

tween

advance in the two

either the rate or level of technological

peasant agricultures was not so great as

it

has been since then.^^

Second, even to the extent the argument

merely

restates the question:

Ôhkawa and

it

we wish

nological progress that

is

factually valid,

is

just this difference

to

There

explain.

it

in techin

little

is

Rosovsky, 1960; Dore, 1960. Again, as in Java, these

changes began well back in the previous (here the Tokugawa) period. See Smith, 1959, pp. 87-107.

^ Ohkawa and Rosovsky,

"Rostow 1960, p. 38. logical

1878-1900 period,

documentation of the argument that Javanese techno-

beginning of

this

century or the end of the

thorough review of the two technological

as the Javanese is

full

advance in agriculture very nearly kept pace with the Japanese

until the

a

A

1960.

dates Japanese take-off in the

tentatively

one has yet

worth pointing

out,

to be written

however, that

all

histories,

—cannot

would require

last

which

—particularly

be attempted here.

main improvements

listed

It

for

pre-twentieth century Japanese agriculture, with the partial exception of artificial

fertilization,

seem

to

have been present in Java. Also,

note in this connection that in 1910-1911,

when

the

first

it

reliable

is

of

com-

parative figures appear, Japanese per-hectare rice yields are only 80 percent

higher than Javanese, while a decade later they are 300 percent higher 318), the difference evidendy

(Wickizer and Bennett, 1941,

p.

from

(now mostly commercial)

radically rising inputs of

increased

more than 650 percent between

(Ohkawa and Rosovsky,

1960).

1898-1902

stemming

fertilizer,

and

which

1913-1917

COMPARISONS AND PROSPECTS the

two technologies around,

1870

say,

135

—the

end

alike of the

Culture System and of the Tokugawa period, which could for their divergence since that time.

More

genjuinely

determinative

was the manner

trasting courses

in

separation

the

of

which

into

con-

a traditional labor-

intensive, Lilliputian, family-farm, wet-rice-and-second-crop type

came

of ecosystem

Specifically,

institutions.

came

to be related to a set of

where

Japanese

modern economic agriculture

peasant

complementarily related to an expanding manufac-

to be

turing system in indigenous hands, Javanese peasant agriculture

came

to be

complementarily related

industrial structure

to

an expanding agro-

under foreign management. As labor pro-

ductivity in the capital-intensive sector in Japan increased,

increased also in the labor-intensive sector; as capital-intensive sector in Java

it

increased in the

remained approximately con-

in the labor-intensive one. In

stant

it

it

Japan, the peasant sector

ed the industrial one during the crucial three decades of the latter's emergence largely by

means

of extremely heavy land

taxation; in Java, the peasant sector ed the industrial one

through the provision of underpriced labor and land. In Japan, the industrial

sector,

once underway, then re-invigorated the

peasant sector through the provision of cheap commercial fer-

more

tilizer,

effective

farm

tools,

af technical education

and extension work and, eventually,

after the First

World War,

simple mechanization, as well as by offering expanded markets for agricultural products of all sorts; in Java

most of the invigor-

ating effect of the flourishing agro-industrial sector

upon Holland, and

its

have seen, enervating.

two

sectors

over the

was exercised

impact upon the peasant sector was,

The dynamic

interaction

as

we

between the

which kept Japan moving and ultimately pushed her

hump

to sustained

growth was absent

had and maintained, but Java had and

lost,

in Java.

Japan

an integrated econ-

omy.

To

a-

critical

great extent, Japan maintained

it

and Java

lost

four decades of the mid-nineteenth century

—

it

in the

1830-1870.


126

At

the

same time

that

van den Bosch was superimposing an

economy upon the

export-crop

traditional Javanese

sawah

sys-

tem, Japan had locked herself away from Western interference

and was moving toward rural

ture

economy on more

more commercialized,

own.^^ In both

was becoming, within

steadily tive.

its

a

a generally

more

labor intensive,

But in Java the increase

societies,

less

immobile

peasant agricul-

unchanging

basic pattern,

and more producwas soon swamped by

skillful

in output

the attendant spurt in population; in Japan the population re-

mained

virtually constant.^^ In both societies, the peasant's agri-

cultural productivity increased.

But in one

was, so to speak,

it

reserved (largely through the operation of a tributational tax sys-

tem)

for, as

turned out, future investment in an indigenous

it

manufacturing system. In the other,

pended

it

was immediately

to subsidize the swelling part-time labor force

ex-

the

(i.e.,

peasant in his two-fifths corvee role) of a foreign-run plantation system, and

its

potential for financing a properly Indonesian take-

off dissipated. *°

Smith, 1959. This

movement went

whole Tokugawa period, though the

last

1853, at

century of

agriculture

might

were the material its

if

it

extent, during

the

after Perry's visit in

policy was, at least officially, ended.

slow and locally uneven improvement in Javanese

back into the seventeenth century

also be traced well available. It

is

possible that Japan "started lower" than less suitable for rice, so

that

its

growth

between the beginning of the seventeenth century and

the end of the nineteenth for

seclusion

natural conditions being

in productivity

some

and was further speeded up

which time the

In any case, steady,

Java,

it,

on, to

seems to have come to a climax in

it

would have had

to achieve Javanese levels

by the

to

have been greater in order

later date.

See Rosovsky, 1961,

p. 81,

note 104. "^

Japanese population seems to have increased

more

or

less steadily

from

about the end of the twelfth century to the beginning of the eighteenth, at

which time

had found

its

it

stabilized,

evidently because the traditional ecosystem

climax equilibrium. Between 1726 and 1852 population was

virtually constant. After 1852

and with the West

but slowly and irregularly. After 1870 rapid

about 35 to 55 million in 1958, pp. 20-25, 44-45.

less

rise

it

began

to rise,

began, moving from

than half a century (1873-1918). Taeuber,

COMPARISONS AND PROSPECTS But also

to

comprehend

137

two economies

this tale of

fully requires

a comparison of the denouements, which means extending

the four-decade critical period to

tion into static

its

nine-decade consummation

growth on the one hand and

in take-oflf into sustained

in involu-

expansion on the other. In outline form, the con-

development

trasting patterns of

in the

two

between

societies

World War can

approximately 1830 and the end of the First be summarized as follows:

Japan

Java

TLCHNMQUE

Gradual improvement through the

(and in

period

entire

likelihood

before),

but

all

in

a

wholly labor-intensive manner.

Gradual improvement through the entire period (and, in fact,

Tokugawa

the whole

period).

This also took place mainly a

manner

labor-intensive

around 1900, idly

after

increasing

in

until

which rapinputs,

capital

mostly in the form of

fertilizer,

took place.

POPULATION

Rapid growth after 1830,

evi-

dently as a result of declining

due

mortality

to

improved

communications and greater

and of increased

curity

due

se-

fertility

the labor-tax pressures

to

Rapid growth began only

after

1870, evidently as a result of a decline

in

on

tendant

the

death

rate

a

rising

national

at-

standard of living and of increasing

of the Culture System; but not,

rectly)

save possibly for a brief initial

ment

period, as a result of generally

turmg.

due

fertility

(indi-

expanding employ-

to

opportunities in manufac32

rising Indonesian living stand-

ards.

EMPLOYMENT

No

significant

side

of

expansion out-

traditional

agricultural

pursuits, but a rapid expansion

within them

made

possible by

Rapid expansion trial sector,

population tural stant,

ing

productive

productivity

which

raised land but not labor

about

productivity. Peasants provided

idly.""

unskilled (first

occasional

government,

techniques

labor

then

for pri-

vate) plantations, but at a price

well

below

its

marginal

pro-

increase.

employment

the perfection of labor-absorb-

both

70

in the indus-

absorbing the whole Agricul-

virtually con-

land rising,

percent

and

labor

the

latter

more

rap-


138

Java

Japan

ductivity, the costs of their subsistence being largely

borne by

the village economy.

URBANIZATION

Towns

Retarded.

grew much pressive rates

upon

effect

cities

than

and the de-

population,

total

and rapidly

less

fertility

commonly

associated with

were

largely absent,

urban

life

delaying

the

usual

postindus-

of

population

slowing

trial

Accelerated,

the

particularly

after

Towns

Restoration.

cities

grew much more

than

total population.

and

rapidly

As

rates

mod-

of natural increase were erately depressed

was

areas, this

to a

jump

the urban

in

in the

in

main due

rural-urban mi-

growth.**

gration.^

PER-CAPITA

Probably close to constant over

Rising with increasing rapidity

INCOME

the whole period in the peas-

in

ant sector; rapidly rising in the

being used to finance an even

plantation sector.

more rapid

the peasant sector, the rise

rise

the

in

manu-

facturing sector after Meiji.*^

ECONOMIC

Increasingly

DUALISM

capital

severe.

Increased

inputs into the planta-

Marked, but moderated by cultural,

tion sector, increased labor in-

connections

puts into the peasant. Separa-

sectors

tion

between the two

cultural, social, cal at the

same

sectors

close

and economic

social,

between

two

the

and by the flowering of

small-scale industrial activity.^

and technologitime, with

little

intermediate industrial activity.

'^The diachronic comparison of the two demographic developments

is

perhaps most simply expressed in of the changing ratio of the Japanese to Javanese population: 1830, 3.8; 1870, 2.1; 1900, 1955, 1.6 (calculated

from Taeuber,

given in note 42, chapter population gave

it

above). Thus, the early

iv,

somewhere

1920, 1.6;

1.6;

and from sources

1958, pp. 22, 46, 70;

rise

of

Japanese

around SYz to 4 times the Javanese total by

the beginning of the nineteenth century, a

gap the Javanese explosion

nearly cut in half by 1870, after which time the convergence slowed as the

two populations grew

after

and Wi percent. Ohkawa and Rosovsky,

1960.

tween •"

^*

"Development

mines,

1900 at about the same annual rate

— be-

1

oil

fields

in

[Southeast] Asia, centered as

and exports

of

raw

ization than urbanization; the checks

industrialization

and the

it

was on plantations,

materials, brought

on family

New World

size

operated

more

industrial-

brought by the urban

less

effectively

in

the

COMPARISONS AND PROSPECTS Whatever value

139

does not He in any assumption that had Java been she

would have followed

would now be

may have

comparison of Java and Japan

this

"left

more

in an economically

viable state.

What would

have happened had the Dutch not colonized the Indies not even an hypothetically answerable question, for

upon what

is

infinite.

on the assumption

rest

enact

would have occurred

historical events

number

their

Nor

somehow the Japanese pattern if The world has moved

accomplished.

and

Java,

which faced Japan

which

most Asian countries

from

clearly

depends

instead,

and

now must

be to

re-

to

be at length

on, both in

and outside

take-off

is

face her today are not those

which can shed

underdeveloped countries. The drops in

pressure

is

a century ago. Its value lies in providing a

contrasting, yet comparable case

in

it

does the value of the comparison

that Java's course

the alternatives

alone"

the Japanese path, or even that she

arising

too,

before

rates

fertility

light

on what

came eventually

but too late to prevent serious population

planned

economic

development began."

Higgins, 1958.

^Taeuber,

1960. Here,

it

was not

so

much

the fact that urbanization

showed an initially higher over-all growth, but rather its greater development prevented Japanese transition rates from climbing as high between 1880 and 1920 or so as Javanese ones seem to have climbed between 1840 and 1880. **

the

"Being fearful of the [Meiji]

political

consequences of foreign borrowing,

government financed investment almost

—mainly

entirely

from do-

78%

of

ordinary revenues (the bulk of total revenues) from 1868 to 1881, and

al-

mestic sources

agriculture.

though the figure tended

High

as the rate of tax

The land

to fall after that

it

tax ed for

still

on land was, however,

it

50%

stood at

in 1890.

did not represent an

Tokugawa period. Already at the end of that period from agriculture by the warrior class was immense, and the Meiji government merely redirected it into new channels. Modernization was increase over the

the take

achieved, therefore, without reducing rural living standards or even tak-

ing the increase in productivity that occurred." Smith, 1959, this

view seems

to

be slightly optimistic so far as pressure on the peasants

''On the importance of Japanese small industry,

Ohkawa,

1960.

p.

neglect increased efficiency in tax collection

see

is

211. it

As

may

concerned.

Rosovsky and


140

happened tion.

and therefore on the nature of her present situaThe economic history of Japan is not a norm from which

Java has,

in Java

alas,

departed, nor that of Java a pathology from which

Japan has, praise God, escaped. Rather Japanese economic history Javanese with a few crucial parameters changed (a proposition

is

which could be in this consists

stated equally well the other its

way around), and

comparative significance.

There are two major parameters which are

government

existence of colonial

in Java

by the existence of a powerful indigenous of capital-intensive agriculture in Java

is

so changed: the

replaced in Japan

elite;

the development

replaced in Japan by

is

the development of a capital-intensive manufacturing system. Be-

hind these major parametric differences

grew out

strength of the Japanese elite

a host of others.

The

of the traditional,

reli-

lie

giously ed patterns of poHtical loyalty characteristic of the culture generally ;^^ Java's colonization

was

in part a

mere

reflex

of her geographical location at the cross-roads of the Orient, of

her neighbors' possession of the right spices at the

and of the inherent tropical climate as noted,

made

fragility of the classical

and other physical

time,

states.

The

characteristics of Java which,

export sugar and subsistence rice natural dualistic

partners were lacking in Japan, tions perhaps

wrong

Indonesian

made

Other differences

whose more temperate condi-

a plantation farming pattern less adaptive.

—in

the world views of both masses and

elites,

in micro-ecological conditions, in pre-seventeenth-century historical

development, in patterns of social

market systems, and

in

connection.

them out

A

full

so

on

—could

stratification

also

and mobility,

be cited in the same

comparative analysis would have to trace

(or at least the

more powerful

of

them

—for the

list

of

parameters whose change might affect the behavior of any given

system has no end) and attempt to assess their relative weight.^^

Ôn on

Japanese concepts of loyalty (or "obligation") see Benedict, 1946;

their religious basis, Bellah, 1957.

^For an

incisive theoretical

discussion of the role of the concept of

parameter in system analysis, see Ashby, 1960,

esp. pp. 71-79.

COMPARISONS AND PROSPECTS But on the ecological, and

to

an extent the economic,

the predicament of

is

level their

two most immediately

expression was funneled through these decisive differences. It

141

science that

all

it

Uves by simplification and withers from simplicisticism.

The

existence of colonial

meant

growth potential inherent

the

that

government was

Javanese economy

—"the

decisive because in

the

traditional

on the land and the

excess labor

serves of productivity in the land," to use a phrase

re-

which has

been appHed to the "slack" in the Japanese traditional economy the Restoration

— was

development but

to

Dutch.^^ This

not a mere matter of mone-

is

income in the

more than

donesia was

at

harnessed not to Javanese (or Indonesian)

farming

tary returns (though, leaving subsistence

assessed per-capita

it

a

aside, in 1939

European community

in In-

that in the Indonesian

hundred times

community),"*^ for certainly the growth of the plantation industry

made

tures

possible greatly increased

—on health, rural

credit,

and

so

"native welfare" expendi-

on

—in Java. Nor

is it

a

mere

matter of immediate benefit or harm, for some accompaniments of

its

growth

certainly

redounded, in a residual way,

short-run advantage of the peasantry

the

to

—better irrigation, improved

communications, increased availability of foreign manufactures,

and the

like.

impact upon

ment

Fundamentally,

human

of

capital

the creation of a

an

efficient

"The

modern

as

industry.

business class

and the

market system; the formation of a

quotation

and

a matter of the transformative

modern

is

The improve-

and the expansion of physical

from Ranis, 1959;

"Calculated from Kahin, 1952, tistics,

it is

society implicit in

skilled

and

The

figures are income-tax sta-

Indonesian wage incomes under 900 guilders were not

sessed, they exaggerate the contrast

somewhat.

On

lation

is

were

we have

significantly higher than Javanese. Finally, the 1939

popu-

estimated, the last colonial census having occurred in 1930.

balance, the times-a-hundred figure

is

as-

the other hand, they

included Outer Island Indonesian "commercial" incomes, and, as seen, these

dis-

cited in Rosovsky, 1961. 36.

p.

capital;

crystallization of

probably conservative.

An

On

estimate

including Indonesian subsistence production put the 1939 ratio at about 60 to l.Polak, 1942,p. 60.


142

work

ciplined

and the raising of labor productivity; the

force

stimulation of higher propensities to save and the construction of workable financial institutions; the inculcation of an entre-

preneurial outlook and the development of of economic organization

—

all

enously generated cultural,

more

effective

forms

these to a significant extent endog-

and psychological resources

social,

upon which industrialism feeds were

in a sense exported with the

commodities the plantations produced. The difference in "eco-

nomic mentality" between Dutch and Javanese which Boeke took to be the cause of duaUsm was in fact in great part its result.

were

The

Javanese did not become impoverished because they

"static"; they

became

"static"

because they were impover-

ished.

The came

that the

fact

was

to Java

Much more

than

form

which

in

capital-intensive

industry

agricultural simply reinforced this process.

manufacturing,

especially sugar cultivation

industrial

—permits

—and

agriculture

a sharp division of labor

between a traditionalized labor force and a modernized man-

The

agerial elite.

Japanese peasant had to go to town and become

a full-time, reasonably disciplined

system, even

if

traditional lines

and

his

ties

was modeled along

The

Javanese peasant did not,

move from his rice terrace. Plantation much more effective way of marrying a non-

even have to

agriculture

is

a

industrial labor force to is

of a manufacturing

with his village homeland were

kept green to ease the transition.^^ literally,

member

the organization of his factory

an industrial productive apparatus than

manufacturing, whose functional requirements are inevitably

more

stringent.

No

matter

how

strongly traditional elements are

maintained in manufacturing, they inevitably result in some serious dislocations in life-ways

and some major reorientations

outlook for those caught up in them

common and

at

levels.

They

in

are a

school for modernism, as Japanese history since 1920,

especially since 1945, demonstrates.

**On the

all

persistence of traditional social

Whether

and

industrial settings in Japan, see Abegglen, 1958.

cultural

the blunting of forms in modern

COMPARISONS AND PROSPECTS such effects

an essential characteristic of plantation industry or

is

a merely accidental

is

one

perhaps debatable, and

is

way

too easy to assume that the

all

way

the

least

things

work out

things had to

is

always

worked out

in fact

mass economic modernization

as

it

One might

in principle.

conceive of an agro-industrial system which

a school for

and

143

is

at

as effective

manufacturing,

Hawaii, for example, one might actually find an approxi-

in

mation of one. But

it

can hardly be gainsaid that such a system

has a strong natural bias toward the production of what Mintz has called a rural proletariat

—a

achieving

its

cultural, social,

upon

suffered

It

without

industrialization

and psychological

tragedy of colonial history in Java after 1830 antry suffered.

which

hapless coolie labor force

achieves the agonies attendant

much worse

is

The

fruits.^^

real

not that the peas-

elsewhere, and,

one

if

surveys the miseries of the submerged classes of the nineteenth

century generally, lightly.

The

it

may even seem

tragedy

is

that

it

to

have gotten

off relatively

suffered for nothing.

The Outline of the Future

though

Yet,

donesia's per-capita food

ing after

low

so

fact,

in

has

been

lost,

long period of relative constancy, but

its

as

much remains. consumption may now finally be

much

it

is

fall-

still

not

in India, Morocco, Tanganyika, or Burma

—in

South and Southeast Asia

it

is

is

it

significantly exceeded

probably only by Malaya and the Philippines.^* "Mintz,

In-

Nor

is

there a

1956.

"See Ginsburg,

1961,

intake for 93 countries, In 1957, the "ideal"

son per year was

set

p.

30,

for

among which

(i.e.,

per-day

estimated per-capita

Indonesia stands 73d

satisfactory) carbohydrate

at

caloric

about 2,040.

consumption per per-

by the Nutrition Institute in Djakarta

at

about 160 kg

(standardized in of the caloric content of rice), in which year

was

in fact

an estimated 159 in Java, 170 in the Outer Islands, 162

Even without food imports from Mears, are

Afiff

it

was about

and Wreksoatmodjo,

inadequate, have been

omitted.

155,

1958.

As only

sweet potatoes were used in the calculation,

it

159,

and

155.

Calculated

The Moluccas, where rice, is

it

over-all.

data

maize, cassava, and

conservative, 160

kg

of


144

uneven distribution of national wealth

radically

—Indonesia prob-

ably has less of a plutocratic problem than any other country in

Asia save possibly China. And, even more important, for

all its

century-and-a-half drift toward

economic paralysis Indonesia's

economy

left

has some "slack"

still

growth.

tentialities for

It is

in

some

it,

exploitable po-

discouraging that these seem in the

process of being squandered too.

Aside from petroleum and other mining enterprises, and what

main

manufacturing

exists, the

in agricultural

economy would seem

possibilities of investing capital

to

be three.

First, there

is

the one major technical advance in Japanese farming which has

not as yet been fully applied in Java ciation with

improved seed

it,

now

capitalizing it

Outer Indonesia.

parts of

sector,

"agricultural

And

third, there

mostly under Indonesian

state

on these various opportunities

and

in asso-

Second, there

selection.^^

swidden-to-commercial-gardening

some

—fertilization,

is

is

the

revolution"

in

is

the old estate

management. But

more

difficult

than

often looks to agronomists, economists, or nationalist politi-

cians.

The

fact that fertiUzation

increase

significantly yields

seems well

trials in

Java

it

(and improved seed selection) could

Indonesia's,

established."^^

was found

Java's,

In seven hundred and

farm

fifty field

that "any suitable [chemical] fertiliza-

tion gives a crop response of at least

rice

including even

20%,

in

many

cases

30%, and

per person per year amounting to approximately 1,600 calories per

person per day. Even aside from the intrinsic unreliability of the data, caloric intake

is,

Indonesian diet

of course, a very gross is

measure of food supply, but the

probably not yet radically deficient in vitamins and

minerals either.

*Â certain amount of sawah

fertilization took place, largely as a second-

ary result of sugar-growing, in the last years of the colonial period, and

American aid programs provided some $50 million worth in the first years following independence.

rice-seed *^

For

improvement there has been a general review, see

is

Mears, 1957.

How much

less clear.

of

fertilizer

scientifically

based

— COMPARISONS AND PROSPECTS some

in

much

cases

bility that

some

^^

higher."

Even allowing

may

of these increases

prove

than they have in

less lasting in practice

145

the possi-

for

spectacular

less

and

the potential for

trials,

increasing Indonesia's food supply through artificial fertilizers

can hardly be doubted. But, problems of manufacture,

on

so

merely technological view

aside, a

is

costs,

inadequate.

and

No more

than the earlier improvements in irrigation, cultivation techniques,

and crop

fertilization

an increase in yields through

diversification can

be viewed as a

agrarian dilemma.

The

way out

figures in

of Java's

—and

expansion of nonrice cultivation indicate more rise in agricultural

ultimately

income, the

came

much and

way

of increases in per-capita It

has been estimated that

guilders

on the construction of

sustained growth.

Dutch spent 250 million

irrigation

flood-control

between about 1880 and

facilities

1939, but the Javanese peasant at the

he had been

the beginning.^^

at

whether Java can

still

end of

The

whether, as in Japan, this increase (perhaps

industrial sector into

was

just

problem

where is

not

at

long

last

is

the

can be captured to finance an

which the increasing population can be

absorbed. Otherwise the a dubious

it

central

increase her output: the central problem

traditional terrace's final spurt)

is

to the

than a 20 percent

productivity over a few decades, but nothing

of that in the

less

Indonesia's

Table 4 with respect

economy

is

still

treading water, which

improvement over drowning outright unless help

eventually arrives.

Since the revolution, a rising proportion of the population increase has been absorbed into the

towns

as

—"collected" would be a better word

redundant

underemployed

traders,

Thus Indonesia

is

and

civil servants,

time-ing students,

all

but workless unskilled laborers.

moving from

industrialization without urban-

" Ha, Georg, an

FAO

agricultural chemist

tute of Soil Research in Bogor, as

quoted

in

and adviser

modjo, 1958. **

Irrigation investment estimates

from

to the Insti-

Mears, Afiff and Wreksoat-

Pelzer, 1945.


146

toward urbanization without

ization

much

eflfect is

the

same

towns was being taken

as

if

share-the-poverty pattern

is

and urban dwellers.

the population shunted off to the

is

being absorbed), for the

still

simply extended to embrace both

A

in

rise

productivity

agricultural

would

certainly alleviate this for a time; but

pone

day of reckoning probably already too long put

if

a

most of the

rise

and the

to the general

would only

it

post-

Only

off.

can be siphoned off into industrial investment

(including investment in fertilizers

economic

directly into the village system (where,

in fact, the bulk of the increase

rural

And

industrialization.^^

so far as nonagricultural production fails to rise, the

"human

economic

does

capital")

rest will really contribute

situation. If

it is

seem

it

that

something dynamic

not so siphoned

off, it

will merely further accelerate the process of involution, not just

in agriculture thus,

It is,

now, but throughout the whole an ironic and melancholy

tilizer application

culture,

and

it

is

is,

in truth, Java's last

being played

cultural atmosphere

much

wasted, in

the

is

at a

such that

same way

trump

when

time

it

society.

fact that so far as fer-

in peasant agri-

the general poHtical

almost certainly

is

being

trumps were

as all her earlier

wasted. In the absence of any genuine reconstruction of In-

donesian civilization, despite the rhetoric of revolutionary populism,

any alteration of the persisting direction of

pouring

fertilizer

before

it,

onto Java's Lilliputian

labor-intensive

irrigation,

to

make

fields is Ukely, as

and crop

cultivation

development,

its

modern

diversification

only one thing grow: paralysis. This

is

not an

argument against the technical improvement of peasant farming. It

is

It is

not an argument against the openness of

human

history.

an argument against a myopic pragmatic optimism which

*®Not that there has been no industriaHzation. But where

total

popula-

grown about 10 percent between 1940 and 1952, "total employment" seems to have grown only about seven. A com-

tion seems to have

industrial

parable figure for urban population growth

is

unavailable, but as the urban

population more than doubled between 1930 and 1952, certainly be

much

higher.

Paauw,

in press;

The

it

would almost

Population of Indonesia.


747

allows short-run gains to obscure the general trend of events,

which

isolates purely technical

ically created cultural, social,

they are

set,

ailments

it

The

improvements from the

and psychological context

histor-

which

in

and which, because of these faiUngs, exacerbates the

sets

out to cure.

potentialities

inherent in the Outer Island swidden-to-

export garden development are equally real and, for about the

same

That small scale-commercial

reasons, equally problematical.

farming of industrial crops can be a powerful source of economic

dynamism ence,

in Indonesia

when,

amply proved by the prewar

is

more than 300 percent

experi-

jumped

for example, small-holder rubber acreage

decade and a half (1925-1940) and

in a

"brought forth a stream of money the like of which was un-

known

in the Indies." ^^

fact that

whole. price

But enthusiasm

Outer Indonesia

The

after

is,

all,

tempered by the mere

is

part of Indonesia as a

involutional process in Java, even

movements or

technological change,

is

constituent of the economic landscape within

ing takes place. That such a landscape for

growth ought

to

is

more than world

the most immediate

which such farm-

an unpromising one

be apparent by now.

The whole problem can

best be seen in of rubber, in-

creasingly the preponderant small-holder export crop.^^

To

small-holder export farmer today

grower

(or, to a

is

largely to say rubber

secondary extent, coffee or copra grower), and so the

question of the power of Outer Island agriculture to donesia's

say

economy out

to the question of

of

its

jolt

deepening rut largely comes

In-

down

whether rubber can become a leading sector in

a national transition to sustained

growth.

Obviously, a wide range of special factors, stretching from the ""The

statistic

is

from Bauer,

1948, p.

16;

the quotation

is

from van

Gelderen, 1961.

"^With 1938

as

100, the small-holder

production of rubber was 327 in

1954; coffee 68, copra 54, pepper 23, average of

production excluding rubber, 48.

In

holder rubber were about 60 percent

value

all

,

small-holder export returns

more than from

from small-

coffee, copra,

pepper combined. Higgins, 1957, pp. 149, 155 (calculated).

and


148

competition of synthetics to the changing input needs of world industry,

relevant to any such assessment, to say nothing of

is

international political conditions. (Small-holder rubber production reached

highest point in history during the Korean

its

war.^^) But, in of the analysis being pursued here, they

come

degree to which rubber-farming

is

a

more

profitable use of

Outer

and labor than subsistence farming, and the degree

Island land

which the difference can be channeled

to

all

an immediate focus in two main considerations: the

to

growth

into

invest-

ment, either in the extension and improvement of the rubber industry

or in other productive enterprises. In these ,

itself,

the Javanese involutional process acts against development: as progresses etc. into

converts

it

it

and

necessities

so gradually incorporates rubber into

and threatens

which

per-capita

itself,

tail to

growth continues

The

one more way in at

at

a nearly con-

a relatively un-

Outer Island export farming becomes a mere

rate.^^

new

directions,

than jolting,

No more

it

Thomas, K.

rangements are

it is

stabilizes

than in

however,

tion,

just

the kite of Javanese subsistence farming; rather than pullin

it

incorporate fertilization.

income can be maintained

stant level as population

changed

to

and export of rubber become

cultivation

•^^

it

income earned by rubber

has already incorporated irrigation improvements and crop

diversification,

ing

of the export

imported foodstuffs and other consumption

(textiles, etc.),

as

more

is

this

merely dragged along

it;

rather

it.

fertilization, irrigation, or

an inevitable outcome, an

D., n.d.,

after

Appendix A, Table

I.

crop diversificaintrinsic

product

Domestic marketing

also of central importance, of course;

see

Thomas,

ar-

n.d.,

pp. 45-58.

"In

1939, the import value of the four

necessities

(rice,

wheat

flour, fish,

and

most important consumption

textiles)

was about

8 percent of

the total import value, about 5 percent of the total export value. For 1950-

1956

it

was

15 percent of the

import value, 12 percent of the export value.

Calculated from Statistical Pocketbook of Indonesia, pp. Ill, 99. By 1959, rice alone

in press.

had reached nearly 20 percent of the

total

import value. Paauw,

— COMPARISONS AND PROSPECTS some mysterious developmental

of

present state of Indonesian national fact

of deficit financing

and an

—including

but merely, in the

force,

and

a likely outcome,

life,

already occurring. In particular,

is

149

in

has been a combination

it

subsidization of rice imports

unrealistically "favorable" official

exchange rate which

has been the mechanism through which an increasing proportion of the energizing force of the Outer Indonesian "agricultural

revolution" has been converted into Inner Indonesian "static ex^^

pansion."

result of

such policies (and others) has been to

swidden-to-garden

the

arrest

The

rising local price of rice

transition

in

The

mid-age.

and other consumption goods

relative

to that of rubber, the inabiUty of small holders to gain control

of the capital to invest in processing equipment, planting mate-

and

labor

rial,

so forth,

and the general

disincentive quality at-

tached to a sense that the bulk of locally earned revenue

is

being

have combined to discourage not so much more importantly, any improvement in produc-

utilized extralocally,

production

as,

tivity.^^

The prewar

"agricultural revolution" of the rubber areas

was

in truth but a semirevolution:

To

[capitalize

on the potential value of

vast stretches of available

land extremely suitable for the growing of rubber trees] necessary

break

to

abandonment "For

with the old

system

of

it

cultivation.

was not

On

of an exhausted [swidden], rubber-tree seeds were

the left

a review of Indonesian fiscal policies until 1956, see Higgins, 1957,

pp. 1-36.

"From less

1950-1955 small-holder rubber production remained more or

constant

(Higgins, 1957, p. 149); since then

somewhat, but due clear.

to the

The Population

of

it

may have

declined

problem of smuggling the exact picture Indonesia

authors estimate

1950-1954

is

not

small-

holder per-hectare yields of rubber at a constant 4.2 (as against 5.8 for the

somewhat bedeviled

estates), but this

is

the grossest of guesses. There

is

a

difference in quality as well: small-holder production averaged about 65

percent of total output during 1951-1955, but small-holder value only 58 percent of total value.

Appendix E,

note.

Thomas, K.

D., n.d..

Appendix A, Table

I,

and

750


in the ground. After

some

was a growth of

years the result

way

ready for tapping. In this

the [swidden] system

itself

trees

produced

groves over a series of years culminating around 1910, as a result

which rapid increase

of

was

production

in

possible

Moreover, there was more systematic planting of rubber

1916.

after

trees inde-

pendent of food crops, particularly in Tapanuli and in regions out-

But even

side Sumatra.

applied crops.

the separo

Under

it

The owners

A

of the rubber groves merely

system traditionally used for food

["halves"]

the worker

he had produced.

one can hardly speak of a

in such cases

higher form of production.

was rewarded with

half of whatever yield

characteristic trait of the adaptation

that the

is

owner buys the product from his workers at Hence his gross income is the same as that

the current local price.

gether. Their

by the market price of

wages are determined

As long

the product.

as that

is

The lower

continues.

tion provides the

Other

acceptable.

limit

of

high enough

them

living sufficiently inducing for

directly

to

all

his

workers

to provide a level of

go on tapping, production

thus that at which half of the produc-

is

workers with the

minimum

level

of subsistence

are negligible. Practically nothing

costs

to-

is

done

towards the systematic maintenance of the groves, the construction of processing equipment, and the like.

machinery

a

is

hand mangle

in the present situation

production the the

is

number amount

.

.

the other hand,

not determined by the natural limit, that

and

of labour available.

.

expensive piece of

On

the Indies the upper limit for Native

of tappable trees

ing to be tapped.

broken

in

The most

for pressing slabs.

The

link

is

to

their production capacity, but

There are

still

say

by

extensive areas wait-

with food production has not been

the people can constantly

fall

back on their food-crop

fields.56

As

in the Javanese one-foot-in-the-terrace,-one-in-the-mill pat-

tern, this

ars

and

arrangement was commonly praised by colonial officials

(a)

for

its

elasticity,

in that

it

schol-

could expand

and contract with changing market conditions, thus protecting the

peasant

against

markets, and (b) for '"VanGelderen, 1961.

the its

vagaries

of

international

commodity

adaptability, in that in of given

COMPARISONS AND PROSPECTS factor proportions (high land,

most

labor,

use of resources.^*^ But, as

efficient

imization of adaptability

becomes

low

and

flaccidity,

is

a

151

low

capital)

we have

it

was the

max-

seen, the

a spiritless goal, elasticity perpetuated

highly efficient combination of

sources in of "given" production coefficients

may

re-

be a

simple alternative to the more genuinely entrepreneurial activity of changing the coefficients. If small-holder rubber

other commercial crop)

is

to

will have to be pursued with a fullness of commitment

acceptance of

development

attendant

risk— which will make

possible. It will

some

(or

be a leading sector in take-off,

have

become

to

a

its

it

—and an sustained

growing industry,

not a functional equivalent, in a habitat which cannot

wet

that

rice, for

most highly perfected device

for

running

faster

The prove much

while staying in the same place, the Javanese sawah.

"ex-

tensive areas waiting to be tapped" will hardly

of a

dynamic

force

matches "the

when

they are tapped

minimum

(now probably

population

level

of

if

labor productivity about

subsistence

and

acceptable,"

increasing at better than 2 percent a

year in the Outer Islands)^® and aggregate income once

more

advance pari u.

The completion

of the swidden-to-garden revolution, whether

demands increased investments in planting materials, improved labor methods, more careful processing, and a more effective distributive network. That this is in rubber, copra, or coffee,

not occurring seems apparent in the face of conversion of an increasing percentage of foreign exchange into imported subsistence

goods and a narrowing of the price differential between

rubber and

rice.^^

Small-holder cultivation of export crops re-

" Van Gelderen, 1961. " Sumaniwata, 1962. ^'As since

all

growing, level.

figures for rubber are export

and not production

figures

and

no detailed research has been undertaken into small-holder rubberBut

estimates,

it it

is

is

difficult to

pin

down what

is

happening

at the ecological

seems clear that planting, even under the most favorable not keeping pace with even the replacement demands im-


152

mains a source of succor for the hard-pressed Indonesian econ-

omy, but

it

hardly even approaching the status of a driving

is

force.

The

prospects for the third possible source of

the agriculture sector, the plantations, seem, at the less

promising.

The fact that made their

the estates were in foreign hands

until recently, has

effective functioning in

phere of ardent nationalism extremely security,

labor difficulties,

newal of

leases,

concerned)

an atmos-

Squatters,

difficult.

in-

and nonre-

the prospective lapsing

and the ever-present threat of expropriation (a

which has now been realized

threat

dynamism in moment, even

do not add up

to

Dutch

the

so far as

an environment conducive

are to

foreign investment.^^

The

tobacco estates have been hampered

—mainly

—to

the point

by squatters

production in 1955 was about a to fall.^^

Tea was

cent in the

same

period.^^ In fact, of

—about

all

the estate crops, only

35 percent

—and,

again, the

output gives a deceptively optimistic picture: to maintain

rise in

plicit in

current production so that "most of the acreage

old" (and

little

and continues

similarly hard hit, production falling 70 per-

rubber showed an increase

much

is

is

over 25 years

over 35), as does the fact that planting materials remain

QuaHty assessment hkewise

poor.

where plantation tobacco

fifth that of 1939,

an elusive matter, but there

is

is

also

doubt that small-holder quality remains low because of undeveloped

technique even in of present technology (which

is

itself

unchang-

ing). For a balanced view of the technical side of small-holder rubber-

growing, hampered only by the absence of K. D., about a

n.d., iin. fifth

data,

due

to

Thomas,

see

p. 137) estimate that

of Indonesian small-holder rubber acreage

cally worthless"

is

now

"practi-

age and overlapping, so that "high production by

the peasants has been accompanied capital

reliable

Allen and Donnithorne (1957,

... by

a very large

consumption of

invested in rubber."

*°For a description of the political context within which the estates operated during the

first

five

pp. 695-766. For 1955-59, see ''^

Statistical

"^Statistical

years of independence, see Sutter,

Hanna,

1961, chapter

Pocketbook of Indonesia, Pocketbook of Indonesia,

p.

61.

p. 61.

iv.

1959,

III,

COMPARISONS AND PROSPECTS productivity

the

The

actually replanted about 35,000.^^ in the thirties

now

nique has

replanted

between 1945 and 1955; they seem

160,000 hectares

which

should have

they

estimate

estates

153

had been ahead

result

have

to

"that Indonesia,

is

of other countries in tech-

behind Malaya in the use of up-to-date-

fallen

methods" and "the danger

that Indonesia

is

may

be unable to

compete, not merely with synthetic rubber but with natural rub-

new

ber produced by other regions which have invested

high-grade

in

and

material

planting

processing

up-to-date

plants." ^^ Over-all, estate export production in 1955

what

three-quarters of

evidently

than

it

had been

on borrowed time,

of anything right

With

now, unless

1938;

if

was about

rubber, Hving

excluded, the figure drops to

is

half.^^ Estate agriculture

in

capital

less

hardly seems Uke the leading edge it

be collapse.

Dutch plantations, about come under direct govern-

the 1957 expropriation of the

half of the total estate output has

mental control, the other half remaining, for the while, in trem-

Whether

bling foreign hands.^^

reduced the

last

racial

more firmly within

capital-intensive sector

Indonesian economy proper, estate sector

remains

to

long

this nationaUzation, that at

element in duaUsm and brought the

is

the boundaries of the

a prelude to a revival

of the

be seen. But the shortage of trained

managerial personnel, the relentless spread of governmental immobilism, and the flourishing of ideological extremism born of a general failure of nerve situation of the state

who

certainly

Thomas, K.

makes

it

most unlikely. "The economic

deteriorating," said President Sukarno,

ought to know, in mid-1959. "The financial

tion of the state *"

is

is

deteriorating, the social condition of society

is

D., n.d., p. 17.

"Allen and Donnithorne,

1957, pp. 136, 137. Indonesia

the world's largest rubber producer for a while after

now

situa-

which became

World War

II

is

again second to Malaya, her production having fallen about 7.5 per-

cent since the

duction,

Korean war boom of

demand and

"^

Higgins, 1957, p. 149.

*"

Paauw,

in press.

1951, "at a time

prices arc rising."

Hanna,

when world

1961, chapter

iv.

pro-


154

deteriorating

—in

all fields

we

are deteriorating."

^'^

A

search for

the true diagnosis of the Indonesian malaise, takes one, thus, far

beyond the

analysis of ecological

investigation

into

the

nation's

dynamics. ^"^

Quoted

in

Hanna,

1961, chapter

ii.

and economic processes political,

social,

and

to

an

cultural

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INDEX

INDEX

abangan, 102

Adams,

R. M., xvii

Agam,

39,

capital intensification, 83, 87, 101, 129,

See

117.

also

Central

Sumatra agava. See

135, 140, 142, 153 capital intensive sector. See

dualism

cassava, 13, 92

sisal

Agrarian Land Law, 83, 84

Celebes, 12,39, 115, 116, 129

annuals, 54-58

Central Sumatra, 40, 58, 116-122, 129

anthropogcography, 1-3

Ceylon, 34-35

Ashby,

Chartered Bank, 85

E., 8

China, 39

Australian monsoon, 28

Chinese, the, 51, 110

balance of nature, 17-18 Bali,

cinchona, 54

cinnamon, 54

14,38,42, 116, 129

Banda, 52

Clarke, G., 4

Bantam, 14

climax community, 18, 21

Bataks, the, 111, 129

closed cover, 24, 25n. 22

Batavia, 51, 84

cochineale, 54

Bates, M., 21

Coen,

Bergson, H., 125

coffee,

van Beukering, biotic

A.,

J.

community,

Boeke,

J.

P.,

45

49-62 im, 66-69, 79, 84, 85, 114-121 im, \5\

26

16, 20, 24,

J.

30

H., 79, 101, 142

colonial period, 47-123, 140, 143

concessions,

109-110

Borneo, 12,39, 105, 113, 115

Conklin, H.,

van den Bosch,

consumption, 96 and

J.,

52, 53, 57, 63, 65,

n.

26

19,

115n. 58,

143 and n. 44

69, 136

Brantas River, 41, 64, 94 British, the, 48,

xvii, xviii, 18,

63

copra, 54, 114, 115, 119, 121, 122, 151

corporate plantations. See estates

1

INDEX

174 corporate plantation system, 50, 65, 82,

exports, 65, 67, 68, 104-105, 113-115,

118-122, 124, 126, 152-153

83-103, 136 cotton, 54

external physiology, 3n. 5

System

cultivation system. See Culture

cultivation techniques, 35, 77, 137, 145

Fallers, L. A., xvii

cultural core, 7, 10, 11, 102, 115, 120

ferralite,

cultural ecology, 6-1

fertilization,

fixed

101-102

culture, 2-3, 9, 10, 11,

Maatschappij

der

144 and

n.

45

120-123,

gardening,

129,

144,

147

Culture System, 50, 52-82, 135

Cultuur

20

Vorsten-

foreign investment, 113n. 51, 125, 152,

153

landen, 85

Freeman, D., 26, 27 Day,

Furnivall,

C, 64

Deli, 104,

49, 69,

J. S.,

79-80

105-113,125 Geertz, H., xvii

Deli Maatschappij, 85

van Gelderen,

diversity index, 16, 17

149-150

J.,

Goldenweiser, A., 80-82, 90

Djakarta, 130

dry crops, 13, 79-80, 91-94, 101, 106,

Gonggrijp, G., 51, 57

Gourou,

145 dualism, 48 and n. 2, 53, 62-63, 83, 101, 103, 138, 140, 142, 153

20, 23

P.,

de Graff, H.

J.,

53

Halmahera, 39

Dutch, the, 44-50 im, 58, 62-63,

125,141,142, 145, 152

Halpern,

36

J.,

Handels Vereeningen Amsterdam, 85

Dutch East India Company, 47-52, 63 Dutch East

Indies, 48, 49-50, 52, 61

EastHook,

42, 43, 44, 51,58, 107

Hanunoo, 18-19, 26 Haeckel, E., 3

Hegel, G., 6 ecological climax,

Higgins,

26

ecological deterioriation,

25-26

Hollinger, W., 79

ecological generalization, 16, 17 ecological

medium,

B., xvii, xviii

Holland. See Netherlands

human

30, 33

ecology, 5

Huntington,

E.,

1,6

ecological specialization, 16, 17 ecological stability,

29

ecological substratum,

Iban, 27

30

imports, 123, 141, 148n. 53

ecological succession, 21, 24, 26n. 25

India, 40

ecology, 1-11, 13, 141

indigo, 49, 54

ecosystem, 3, 9, 10, 12-37, 102, 109

Indonesia, Indonesian, 11,

enclave estates. See cxclusivism

13,

28, 34,

37, 48, 130, 145

England, 67

Indonesian Republic, 124

environment, 1-3, 7-10

Inner Indonesia, 12, 14, 53, 75, 102-

erosion,

39

estates,

56,

103, 114-115, 128, 129, 149, 154 61,

73,

83-115, 125n.

4,

123, 126-129, 132, 137, 147-152

144, 152-153 Ethical Policy, 90

cxclusivism,

54,

im, 129

involution, 32-37, 70, 80-82, 90-103,

irrigation,

58-62, 103,

108-112

64, 76

29-35 im, 39, 43, 55,

and

n. 47, 133,

Iso Rcksohadiprodjo,

127

141,145

INDEX

775 mutualism,

Janowitz, M., xvii Japan, Japanese, 48, 124, 125, 130-143 Java, Javanese, 9,

13,

12,

54-58,

86-89,

103,

108-

109, 140

14, 34, 38,

40, 47, 60, 104, 110, 113, 126, 129,

nationalism, 125

130-143, 144, 145

Nederlandsche

Handel

Maatschappij,

85

Java Bank, 85

Handelsbank,

Nederlands-Indische

Jay, R., xvii

85

Netherlands, the, 49, 61, 63, 66, 69, 79, 84, 124, 135

Kalimantan. See Borneo

Kampto Utomo,

niche, 17

xvii, xviii

Nienhuys,

Kedjawen, 42, 43, 44, 51, 58, 64

J.,

105, 106, 112

Nusatenggara. See Lesser Sundas

van der Kolff, G. H., 88 Kroeber, A. L., 2

Ohkawa,

Kuperus, G., 76-77 and

n.

49

oil

open labor intensification, 77, 101, 135 labor-intensive sector. See dualism

K.,

132-133

palm, 85, 111 field,

25 and

22

n.

Outer Indonesia, 12, 14, 18, 26, 27, 28, 38, 53, 85, 103-123, 126, 129, 144,

147-152. See also Outer Islands

land lease, 84, 86-88 land tenure, 90, 91n. 13, 97, 100, 101,

Outer Islands, 61,

128n. 13, 133

12,

14, 39, 47,

13,

60,

147-152. See also Outer Indo-

land use, 13, 94, 100, 145 Laos, 36 laterization,

Padang

20

leaching, 20,

Central

See

Su-

palawidja. See dry crops

21,39

Lesser Sundas, 12, 28, 39

14, 38,

Park, R., 5 Pasisir, 42, 44,

limiting factor, 44

Lombok,

Highlands.

matra

Leach, E., 35

51

peanuts, 13, 92

129

pckarangan, 96n. 19

Luzon, 41

Pclzer, K.,

107-108

penal sanction. 111

Madura, 14

pepper, 52, 54, 60, 114, 116

maize, 92, 109

perennials, 54,

Malaya, 40, 104, 113, 119

petroleum, 104-105, 126,

Malays, the,

HI

58-62 1*44

Philippines, the, 18

Mataram, 41, 45

plantations. See estates

McVicker, D.,

population, 12, 26, 32-33, 69-70, 75-

xviii

Millikan, M., xvii

80, 97, 109, 126-128, 129n. 14,

Minangkabau. See Central Sumatra Mindoro, 18

132, 136, 137, 138

Mintz,

Mohr,

S.,

143

E., 38,

34, 139n. 35, 146

131-

and nn. 32 and and

n.

49

Portuguese, the, 47

43

possibilism, 1-3

Moluccas, 12, 39, 47, 50

"post-traditional," 90, 99, 102, 129, 132

monsoon

Priangan, 14, 58, 116

forest

forest,

27.

See also tropical

Principalities, 106, 106n.

38

INDEX

176 T.

Raffles,

Rcinsma,

83, 92

S.,

R., 65,

sugar milling, 51, 58, 65, 83, 87

84

Sukarno, 153-154

71-80, 109, 120-121, 140,

rice, 13, 54,

151

Sulawesi. See Celebes

Sunda, 42, 43, 44, 58

rice terraces.

See sawah

Surabaja, 128

Rosovsky, H., 132, 133

sweet potatoes, 92

rubber, 54, 60, 85, 111-115, 119, 120-

swidden, 10, 13, 15-28, 32, 33, 34, 36,

123, 126, 147-153

59-60, 106, 107-112, 115-123, 129, 144, 147

sago, 123

system equilibrium, 4

Sarawak, 26 sawah,

9,

10,

13,

16,

71-80, 93, 95,

42,

17,

28-37, 40,

100.

101,

106,

111, 113, 122, 128n. 13

"take-off," 69 tapioca, 85

Tauber,!., 132

Schrieke, B., 116-122

tea, 54, 85,

Sears, P., 3

tegal, 92, 93, 94, 95,

seed selection, 144

Tergast, G. C. W., 96

sharccropping, 98-99, 100 shifting cultivation. See

114, 116

106

Timor, 116

swidden

tin,

105, 126

Toba, 39

Shils, E., xvii

54

silk,

HI,

tobacco, 49, 54, 85, 105-111, 113, 152

sisal,

85

Tonkin, 41

slash

and burn agriculture. See swidden

tropical forest,

small holders, 56, 57, 59, 61, 105, 113,

10,

27, 31. See also

16,

18,

monsoon

19, 21, 24,

forest

114-123, 129, 147n. 51, 147-152 Sumatra,

12,

23,

40,

104,

105,

113,

urbanization, 132n. 22, 138, 145-146

115, 116, 126 social capital,

63-66

volcanoes, 38, 40

Soedarsono Hadisapoetro, 127 soil, tropical,

wage

20, 21, 29, 30, 38

Solo River, 41,94

103-104, 110-111,

"waste" land, 56, 79, 84, 110

soya beans, 13, 91 spices,

labor, 58-59,

125

Wertheim, W.

52

F.,

xvH, 105

squatting, squatters, 125, 152

wet-rice agriculture. See

van

William

Steenis, G., 18

Steward,

J.,

47, 85

Wittfogel, K., 31

6, 7, 8, 10, 11

sugar, 49, 52, 54, 55-58, 66-69,

71-

and

n. 5,

80, 84, 85, 86-89, 113, 125

I,

126, 128 and n. 12, 140, 142

Yengoyan, A., yield to

xvii

man, 24

sawah

AGRICULTURAL INVOLUTION The Processes of Ecological Change in Indonesia

By Clifford Geertz ""A remarkably interesting of Indonesian agricultural history,

primarily covering the period of Dutch control, from 1619 to 1942.

Drawing on

ecology, sociology, and economics, Geertz

insightful and persuasive analysis."

— T/?^

.

.

.

provides an

Annals

"If colonial geography ever succeeds in establishing itself as a discrete

and integral focus of inquiry,

it

may

cation of Agricultural Involution.''

"A

brilliant

well date

and superbly written study

description of the most crucial

majority to the publi-

its

— Geographical

dilemma

...

in

Record

an incisive, even frightening

contemporary Indonesia."

— Agricultural History "A

valuable and important study

history, economics, soil science,

.

.

iii

.

which source materials from

geography and other

fields are brilliantly

marshalled and interrelated. But besides being an exemplary study in the interaction of history, physical this

book represents

a

environment and" agricultural technology,

watershed between narrowly conceived ethnog-

raphies and the flood of verbose and

and-social-change' .

.

.

A

monographs

model of comparative

ill

that are

digested post-war "technology-

wont

to

analytical writing."

aim high and

— AI^;;

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS Berkeley, California 94720

hit wide.

Clifford Geertz - Agricultural Involution. The Process Of Ecological Change In Indonesia (1963, University Of Californi.pdf kw34

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